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THE TEMPORAL CLAUSE 



IN OLD ENGLISH PROSE 



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\ 



YALE STUDIES IN ENGUSH 
ALBERT S. COOK, EDITOR 

xxxn 

THE SYNTAX 

OF THE 

TEMPORAL CLAUSE 

IN 

OLD ENGLISH PROSE 



BY 



ARTHUR ^AMS, Ph.D., 

ASSISTANT PROFESSOR OF ENGLISH IN TRINITY COLLEGE^ 

HARTFORD, CONN. 



A Thesis presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Yale 
University in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 




NEW YORK 

HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY 

1907 



TO THE MEMORY 
OF 

JACOB COOPER 

PROFESSOR OF GREER AND AFTERWARDS OF PHILOSOPHY 

IN RUTGERS COLLEGE 

A SCHOLAR WHO MERGED HIS SCHOLARSHIP IN LOVE FOR 

HIS BROTHER-MAN. 



190456 



CONTENTS 

PAGE 

GENERAL INTRODUCTION 1 

Chapter I. The Connectives of the Clause 9 

A. Clauses denoting time when .... 10 

B. Clauses denoting immediate sequence . 62 

C. Clauses denoting duration .... 82 

D. Clauses determining the time of an action by 
reference to a preceding action 100 

E. Clauses determining the time of an action by 
reference to a subsequent action .116 

F. Clauses indicating the time of the termination 

of the action of the main clause . 127 

Chapter n. The Mode of the Temporal Clause in 

A. Clauses denoting time when .... 142 

B. Clauses denoting immediate sequence . 147 

C. Clauses denoting duration .... 148 

D. Clauses determining the time of an action by 
reference to a preceding action . 150 

E. Clauses determining the time of an action by 
reference to a subsequent action . 160 

F. Clauses indicating the time of the termination 

of the action of the main clause . . 163 

2. The So-called Modal Auxiliaries . 166 

Chapter in. Position of the Clause- and Word-Order, 
Sequence of Tenses, and the Negative of the 
Temporal Clause 168 

CONCLUSION 160 

Appendix I. Index-List of Clauses : 

A. Clauses denoting time when .... 162 

B. Clauses denoting immediate sequence . 196 

C. Clauses denoting duration .... 203 

D. Clauses determining the time of an action by 
reference to a preceding action . 209 



viii CofUents 

PAGE 

£. Clauses determiniiig the time of an action by 

reference to a subsequent action . . . 215 

F. Clauses indicating the time of the termination 

of the action of the main clause . . . 221 

Appendix n. Index of Clauses containing Modal Auxi- 
liaries: 

A. Mugan clauses 229 

B. Sculan clauses 230 

C. Motan clauses 281 

D. Willan clauses 282 

Appendix IIL Bibliography 288 

Appenddc IV. Index of Clauses quoted or referred to 

in the Text 287 

Appenddc V. Index of Connectives .... 242 

Appendix VI. Charts. 



PREFACE 

However great may be the diffidence with which 
one offers his work, certainly no one need apologize 
for an attempt to contribute to our knowledge of the 
syntax of Old English. Therefore, since the plan 
and scope of this monograph are set forth at length 
in the General Introduction, it only remain for me 
to thank those to whose kindness I am indebted for 
much help in the course of the work. 

This thesis was written under the direction of Pro- 
fessor Albert S. Cook, of Yale University, and to 
him I extend most hearty thanks for advice and en- 
couragement from the inception of the work, and 
especially for his reading of the proof. 

I owe hearty thanks to Professor Allen R. Benham, 
of the University of Washington, for many helpful 
suggestion, as well as for the stimulus that comes 
from association with one engaged in a similar task. 
I am also indebted to Professor Hubert G. Shearin, 
of Kentucky University, for valuable hints as to 
methods of work. 

The aid given me in bibliographical matters by 
Mr. Andrew Keogh and Mr. Henry A. Gruener, of the 
Yale Library, and by Mr. William N. Carlton, of 
the Library of Trinity College, has been invaluable. 



X Preface 

I would also thank the authorities of the Watkinson 
Library of Reference, in Hartford, for their many 
courtesies. 

A portion of the expense of printing this book has 
been borne by the English Club of Yale University, 
from funds placed at its disposal by the generosity 
of Mr. George E. Dimock, of Elizabeth, New Jersey, 
a graduate of Yale in the class of 1874. 

Trinity Collkgb. Hartford, Conn. 
June 15, 1907. 



GENERAL INTRODUCTION 

Atm^ Scope, and Method 

The aim of this study is to treat exhaustively all 
the important syntactical features of the temporal 
clause in all the prose monuments of Old English. 
The work is designed to be a complete historical 
account of this syntactical element, distinguishing 
between early and late usage where such distinction 
exists, giving accurate statistics as to the relative 
frequency of different methods of expressing the same 
or similar ideas, and noting whatever else may seem 
to be of value for an understanding of the history 
of the construction in question. 

To this end I have endeavored to note every clause 
having the function of an adverbial determinant of 
time, to present the peculiarities of each variety in 
a clear and succinct form, and to tabulate the results 
for each. 

For the sake of ease in verifying the results pre- 
sented, and as a convenience for lexical and syn- 
onymic study, every occurrence of every phenomenon 
falling within the scope of the study has been either 
discussed under its proper category in the text, or 
relegated to the index-lists in the Appendixes. In 
addition to these index-lists, tables have been pre- 
pared, presenting the actual numerical occurrence 
of each variety of clause, with its mode, arranged 

b 



2 General Introduction 

with regard to authorship and chronology, so far as 
these are known. When dealing with so great a 
number of clauses, having so great a variety of con- 
nectives, it seemed that in no other way could the 
material be presented so that the mind might readily 
comprehend the whole field, and the relations of the 
various subdivisions to one another. 

My attitude toward the subject has been historical, 
rather than what one might call philosophical or 
speculative. To me the relations of the phenomena 
of Old English to those presented, on the one hand^ 
by the other Germanic dialects, and, on the other, 
to those offered by Middle and Modem English, are 
of greater interest than speculation as to the origin 
of connectives or constructions. However, I have 
not excluded such matter altogether ; especially when 
such inquiry seemed to throw light on the particular 
case in hand, I have permitted myself to introduce it. 

In no way, I believe, 'can so just and positive a 
notion of the intimate relation of English to the other 
languages of the Germanic group be obtained, as by 
a comparative study of their syntax. Identity or 
likeness of individual words may be explained by 
the theory of borrowing, but when we find a group 
of languages agreeing essentially in using a similar 
construction or group of constructions, it is plain 
that there must be a more intimate relation. On the 
other hand, modem usage is to be understood only 
in the light of Old and Middle English. 

I have, therefore, in a series of notes, following the 
exposition of the Old English usage, presented matter 
in the nature of comparative studies, designed to 
exhibit the close parallelism in syntactical features 
between Old English and the other Germanic lang- 
uages, and the changes in form and usage between 



General Iniroduction 3 

Old English and the later stages of the language. 
In this way the reader may avoid considering the 
syntactical features of the temporal clause in Old 
English as mere isolated peculiarities, and be led 
to see them as the outgrowth of earlier influences 
and tendencies, on the one hand, and as the origin 
of later usage, on the other. 

The fact that much of the Old English prose is 
translated from the Latin has been borne in mind, 
and in cases where the original aids in explaining an 
Old English construction, it has been included in 
the discussion. 

That omissions have been altogether avoided in 
dealing with so vast a number of clauses, especially 
in the case of some of the more common classes, 
is not to be expected ; but I believe that nothing of 
importance has been overlooked. The unpublished 
thesis^ of Dr. Frank H. Chase has been useful as a 
check, and comparison with his work has given me 
confidence in the accuracy and inclusiveness of 
my own. 

List of Old English Prose- Texts Examined 

I have endeavored to include all the Old English 
prose-texts available, and these are arranged in al- 
phabetical order below. With Dr. Shearin* and Dr. 
Benham', I have included the Vespasian Psalter and 
Hymns ^, though they are mere glosses, and almost 
worthless for syntactical study, however valuable they 
may be for the study of the phonology of Old English. 

The abbreviations indicated on the left-hand margin 
of the page have been used throughout. If any system 

* Yale Library. 

• TTie Expression of Purpose in OE. Prose, Yale Studies in English 1 8. 

* Unpublished, Yale Library. ^ Contained in OET, 

b2 



4 General Jntroduciion 

of line-numbering is followed in a text, no matter 
what its nature may be, it has been adhered to here, 
as a convenience in using the references. Biblical 
texts are, of course, cited by chapter and verse. 

iEH. 1. = Homilies of iElfric, ed. Thorpe. 2 vols. 

London. 

iEH. 2. = 1844-46. 

Ap. T. =5 AS. Version of ApoUonius of Tyre, ed. 

Thorpe. London, 1834. 
The Latin original: Historia ApoUonii 
Regis Tyri, ed. Ring. Leipzig, 1888. 

iE. Asm. = iElfric's Writings in AS. Homilien und 

Heiligenleben, ed. Assmann. Kassel, 1889. 
(Grein*s Bibliothek der AS. Prosa 8.) 

iE. Th. . = iElfric's Writings contained in Ancient 

Laws and Institutes of England, ed. Thorpe. 
London, 1840. 

BH. . . . = The OE. Version of Bede*s Ecclesiastical 

History, ed. Miller. 2 vols. London, 1890. 
(EETS. 95, 96.) The Latin original : Bedsa 
Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum, 
etc., ed. Plummer. Oxford, 1896. 

BIH. . . = The Blicking Homilies of the Tenth Cen- 
tury, ed. Morris. London, 1880. (EETS. 
58, 68, 78.) 

Bo. . . . = King iElfred*s OE. Version of Boethius 

De Consolatione Philosophiae, ed. Sedge- 
field. Oxford, 1899. The Latin original : 
Anicius Manlius Severinus Bo6thius, Philo- 
sophiae Consolationis Libri 8 etc., ed. Piper. 
Leipzig 1871. 

BO. . . . = Das Benedictiner-Offizium,einAE. Brevier, 

ed. Feiler. Heidelberg, 1901. (Anglistische 
Forschungen 4.) 



General Introduction 5 

BR. . . . = Die Angels^chsischen Prosabearbeitungen 

der Benedictinerregel, ed. Arnold SchrCer. 

Kassel, 1885. (Grein*s Bibliothek der AS. 

Prosa 2.) 
Byr. . . = AS. Excerpte aus Byrhtferth*s Handboc 

Oder Enchiridion, ed. Kluge. Anglia 8. 

Cart . . = Cartularium Saxonicum .... etc., ed. Birch. 

8 vols. London, 1886-93. 
Chad. . = Ein AE. Leben des Heiligen Chad, ed. 

Napier. Anglia 10. 
Chron. . = Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, 

ed. Earle and Plummer. Oxford, 1892. 
Coll. . . = Colloquium iElfrici, ed. Wtilker. London, 

1884. (Wright's Vocabularies, 2nd Edit.) 

CP. . . . = King iElfred's OE. Version of Gregory's 

Cura Pastoralis, ed. Sweet. London, 1871. 
(EETS. 45, 50.) The Latin original in 
Migne, Patrologia Latina 77. 

DcTcmp.= iElfric's Translation of Bede De Tempo- 

ribus, ed. Wright. London, 1841. (Po- 
pular Treatises on Science, etc.) 

Deut. . . = iElfiric's Translation of Deuteronomy. 

(Grein's Bibliothek der AS. Prosa 1.) 

De Vet. = iElfric's Prefaces to his Biblical Trans- 
Pref. lations. (Grein's Bibliothek der AS. Prosa 1 .) 

Dial. . . = Bischofs Waerferth von Worcester tJber- 

setzung der Dialogen Gregors des Grofien, 
ed. Hecht. Leipzig, 1900. (Grein's Biblio- 
thek der AS. Prosa 8.) The Latin original 
in Migne, Patrologia Latina 77. 

Epis. . . = Epistola Alexandri ad Aristotelem, ed. 

Baskervill. Anglia 4. 
Exod. . = iGlfric's Translation of Exodus. (Grein*8 

Bibliothek der AS. Prosa 1.) 



6 



General Introduction 



Gen. . 



Gram. 



Guth. 



Hex. . 



HL. . 



Inst. . . = 



Int. Sig. = 



Job. . . . = 
John . 
Jos. . . 
Jud. . 



Laws 

Lch. 1. 
Lch. 2. 
Lch. 3. 
Lev. . . 



iElfric's Translation of Genesis. (Grein's 
Bibliothek der AS. Prosa 1.) 
iGlfric*s Grammatik, ed. Zupitza. Berlin, 
1880. (SammlungEnglischerDenkm^Ller 1.) 

The AS. Prose Version of the Life of St. 
Guthlac, ed. Goodwin. London, 1848. 
The AS. Version of the Hexameron of 
St. Basil, ed. Norman. London, 1849. 
The Non-i£lfrician Writings in Assmann^s 
AS. Homilien und Heiligenleben. See 
i£. Asm. above. 

The Non-iElfrician Writings in Thorpe's 
Ancient Laws and Institutes of England. 
See iE. Th. above. 

i£lfric*s Version of Alcuin's Interrogationes 
Sigewulfi in Genesin, ed. Mac Lean. Anglia 
6, 7. 

iElfric's Translation of Job. (Grein's Biblio- 
thek der AS. Prosa 1.) 
The Synoptic Edition of the Gospel of 
St. John, ed. Skeat. Cambridge, 1878. 
iElfric*s Translation of Joshua. (Grein*s 
Bibliothek der AS. Prosa 1.) 
iElfric's Translation of Judges. (Grein*s 
Bibliothek der AS. Prosa 1.) 
The Synoptic Edition of the Gospel of 
St. Luke, ed. Skeat. Cambridge, 1874. 
Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen, F. Lieber- 
mann, Erster Band. Halle, 1898. 
Leechdoms, Wordcunning, and Starcraft 
of Early England, ed. Cockayne. 8 vols. 
London, 1864-66. 

iElfric's Translation of Leviticus. (Grein's 
Bibliothek der AS. Prosa 1.) 



' General Introduction 7 

LS. 1. = iElfiic's Lives of Saints^ ed. Skeat. 2 vols. 
LS. 2. London, 1881-1900. (EETS. 76, 82, 94, 

114.) 
M. . . . = The Synoptic Edition of the Gospel of 

St. Matthew, ed. Skeat. Cambridge, 1887. 
Mart. . . = An OE. Martyrology, ed. Herzfeld. Lon- 
don, 1900. (EETS. 116.) 
Mk. . . . = The Synoptic Edition of the Gospel of 

St. Mark, ed. Skeat. Cambridge, 1871. 
Ncot. . . = Ein AS. Leben des Neot, ed. Wtilker. 

Anglia 3. 
Nic. . . = The OE. Version of the Gospel of Nico- 

demus, ed. Hulme. Publications of the 

Modem Language Assoc, of America 18. 
Num. . . = iElfric's Translation of Numbers. (Grein's 

Bibliothek der AS. Prosa 1.) 
O. . . . = King iElfred's Orosius OE. Text and 

Latin original, ed. Sweet. London, 1883. 

(EETS. 79.) 
OET. . = The Oldest English Texts : ed. Sweet. 

London, 1885. (EETS. 83.) 
PPs. . . = Libri Psalmorum Versio Antiqua Saxonica, 

ed. Thorpe. Oxford, 1835. (The first fifty 

psalms are in prose.) 
Quot. . = Supplement to iElfiic's Homilies in Biblical 

Quotations in Old English Prose Writers, 

Second Series (pp. 135-179), ed. Cook. 

New York, 1903. 
Rood. . = Legends of the Holy Rood, ed. Morris. 

London, 1871. (EETS. 46.) 
Sat. . . = A Dialogue between Saturn and Solomon. 

In Analecta Anglo-Saxonica (pp. 110-116), 

ed. Thorpe. London, 1846. 
Sol. • • . = King iElfired's Version of St. Augustine's 

Soliloquies, with the Latin Original, ed. 



8 General Introduction 

Hargrove. New York, 1902. (Yale Studies 
in English 3.) 
Wulf. . = Wulfstan's Homilies, ed. Napier. Berlin, 

1888. 

All quotations from the following works, unless 
otherwise specified, are from the editions given below: 

A. Old English Poetry. 

Christ, ed. Cook. Boston, 1900. 
Judith, ed. Cook. Boston, 1889. 
Other Poems: Grein's Bibliothek der Angel- 

s^chsischen Poesie, ed. Wiilker. Kassel, 

1883-98. 

B. Middle English. 

Piers Plowman, The Vision of William concern- 
ing Piers The Plowman, ed. Skeat. 2 vols. 
Oxford, 1886. 

C. Gothic. 

Ulfilas, ed. Heyne. Achte Auflage. Paderbom 
und MUnster, 1886. 

D. Old Saxon. 

Heliand, ed. Heyne. Dritte Auflage. Pader- 
bom, 1888. 

E. Old High German. 

Otfrids Evangelienbuch, ed. Erdmann. Halle 

a. S., 1882. 
Tatian, ed. Sievers. Paderbom, 1892. 

References to WUlfing are to vol. 2 of the Syntax 
iElfreds. Bonn, 1901. 



CHAPTER I 

THE CONNECTIVES OF THE TEMPORAL 

CLAUSE 

The temporal clause in OE. is always joined to the 
main clause by an introductory word or formula. 
This partakes both of the nature of an adverbial 
conjunction and of a relative. That this is true is 
made evident by the great number of connectives 
of which the relative 9e forms a part, and by the fact 
that often, in the case of clauses introduced by a 
phrase composed of a preposition + object (noun of 
time) + 9e^ it is difficult to decide whether the function 
of the particular example is adjectival or adverbial. 

In OE. this connective is never omitted, at least 
in colloquial speech, as its counterpart sometimes 
is in Modem English. 

The connectives introducing the temporal clause 
have been grouped into six divisions, according to 
the nature of the temporal relations indicated. There- 
fore we treat here the connectives introducing: 

A. Clauses indicating time when. 

B. Clauses denoting immediate sequence. 

C. Clauses denoting duration. 

D. Clauses determining the time of an action by reference 
to a preceding action. 

E. Clauses determining the time of an action by reference 
to a subsequent action. 

F. Clauses indicating the time of the termination of the 
action of the main clause. 



10 ChapUr I 

A. CLAUSES DENOTING TIME WHEN. 

la. 8a. 

This is the most common of temporal connectives 
in OE. We find cognates in OF. iha^ OS. iho^ thuo^ 
OHG. do, and ON. da. The primary use of this con- 
junction is to introduce a clause denoting time when, 
Wiilfing ^ classes this particle with those which intro- 
duce ^Nebens^tze zur Angabe des Zeitpunktes, wann 
etwas geschieht'. There are many cases in which da 
might be translated while or after^ just as the modem 
English when is often used to introduce clauses which 
logically bear such relations to the main clause ; but 
whatever may be the different meanings which might 
be assigned to the particle, they certainly have no 
influence on its syntax. This will be apparent from 
what follows, and I therefore leave such discussion 
to the lexicographer. 

Yet there are questions of meaning which do call 
for some consideration. Ba introduces a clause used 
to determine time when^ as has been said, but an act 
which preceds another is frequently its cause. So 
sometimes we have a combination of the causal and 
temporal notions. In modem English when often has 
this double force, as in the sentence: 'When the 
books of a year and of a library were counted by 
hundreds or thousands, learned men could really know 
what was best to be known'*. In the following sen- 
tence the temporal force has almost disappeared: 
L. 14. 29 Lest haply, when he hath laid a foundation, 
and is not able to finish, all that behold begin to 
mock him. So fa in the following sentence has a 
strong causal coloring: M. 1. 19 SoSlice iosep hyre 
wer, 9a he waes rihtwis and nolde hi gewidmaersian, 

* Syntax /Elfreds 2. 103. * Frederic Harrison, The Choice of Books. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 11 

he wolde hi dihlice forlaetan. Here the Vulgate reads : 
Joseph autem vir ejus cum esset Justus, et noUet earn 
traducere. Another illustration oi9a in its approach 
to the causal meaning : i£H. 2. 448. 1 1 Micele waeron 
pises mannes geeamunga, pa se i£linihtiga he him 
cwaeS, pset his gelica nsere on eorSan. 

The ease with which the ^a-clause brings two acts 
into the field of view is so great that 9a occasionally 
seems to have a concessive force, as in these ex- 
amples: John 12. 37 Ba he swa mycele tacn dyde 
beforan him, hi ne gelyfdon on hjnie : BH. 36. 33 j 
wende paet he mid swinglan sceolde pa beldu j pa 
anrednesse his heortan anescian, 9a he mid wordum 
ne mihte. 

A conditional use is much less clear to me, yet 
Bosworth-ToUer recognize it, and quote this as an 
illustration: i£H. 1. 478. 11 ac hit was swa gewunelic 
on 8am timan paet rice menn sceopon heora beamum 
naman be him sylfum, paet hit wsere geSuht psBS 8e 
mare gemjnid pass fsBder, 9a 9a se sunu, his yrfenuma, 
wses geciged pses fseder naman. Neither Wolfing nor 
Mather admits such a use of 9a, however. 

The Latin cuni-clause shows parallel development. 
It was probably purely temporal in origin, but by 
emphasizing the causal or concessive connotation, 
the causal or concessive idea became most prominent 
in the mind of the speaker. 

In these clauses this went so far that all idea of 
time was lost, and we have cum purely causal, or purely 
concessive, as well as cum with its original temporal 
signification. Still, as in the OE. sentences referred 
to, we find cum-clauses which may be considered 
either as temporal, or causal, or both. I believe that 
in OE. the causal or concessive or conditional notion 
never became so strong as to exclude that of time. 



12 Chapter I 

This idea of time is always present, though sometimes 
less prominent, perhaps, than some of the other pos- 
sible relations of the ^o-clause to its main verb. 

So much for the meaning of 9a ; now let us con- 
sider its use. My study has established the fact that 
9a is used only with the preterite tense of the in- 
dicative mode. 

There are some exceptions, real or apparent, which 
we shall now consider. 

I have examined about thirty-three hundred clauses 
with this connective or its variants, 9a9a and 9a... 9a^ 
and have noticed only seventeen instances in which 
either the present tense or the optative mode ap- 
pears. Most of these are in late or corrupt texts, 
about ten of them being in the late entries of the 
Chronicle. 

We shall first consider the cases in which the 
present tense appears: Chron. 261. 26 God hit bete 
pa his wille he9. This seems to be a perfectly clear 
case, and we should rather expect the optative as 
well. Chron. 266. 12 per efter in pe lengten pestrede 
pe sunne 7 te dsei, abuton non tid dsoies, pa men 
eten, 8 me lihtede candles to aeten bi. This appears 
in the entry for the year 1140; and the phonology 
is so changed, that it is difficult to say what the 
mode and tense are. Does the clause mean while 
men were eating, or at the time that men (habitually) 
eat? The verb in the following sentence is probably 
preterite indicative, with (b for e\ Cart. 2, 290. 14 hit 
hiera yrfe is {> hit swa umbe ssBccen gauge into paere 
Cyrican swa hit pa on d»g wes, pa hit man him to 
Uxi. Lch. S, 82. 11 pset syndon sa ysene, pa man mid 
cnifun hsele menu. Neither the tense nor the mode 
is hard to understand here, but the text is very cor- 
rupt and late. HL. 122. 184 And wite pu psBt heo is 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 13 

of Sinum ssode geeacnod, swa swa pu nytest, pa pa 
pu hi ana forlcete. The sense here requires the pret- 
erite. May not this be regarded as a preterite of a 
weak verb loetan? 

Of the five apparent exceptions, then, to the rule 
in regard to the tense with 9a^ only two seem reason- 
ably certain. 

We pass now to the question of mode. Chron. 
215. 6 hi ferdon aefter heom into pam mynstre 7 woldon 
hig ut dragan, pa9a hig ne dorsten na utgan; Chron. 
264. 4 pa pe castles uuaren maked pa fylden hi mid 
deoules 7 yuele men (entry for 1 137) ; Chron. 266. 87 
pa hi per inne toceren^ pa com pe kinges cuen mid al 
hire strengthe. See also Chron. 161. 26 ; 218. 1 ; 259. 37 ; 
264. 28 ; 267. 1 : also Chron. 266. 12 ; Lch. 3 82. 11 ; HL. 
122. 184, as quoted above. In these cases the opta- 
tive form is to be accounted for by the weakening 
of the a of the ending, and there is really no viola- 
tion of the rule that the indicative is the mode used 
after fa, except in the case of those examples in 
which the present tense appears also. 

In O. 56. 17 pa set nihstan hie hoefden getogen eal 
Creca folc to Ssom gewinnum, pa Lsocedemonia besae- 
tan pa burg M8Bs[ian]e X winter; the reading hcefdon 
of MS. C. is probably correct. 

BH. 162. 21 secgad men, pa Oswald se cyning of 
Scotta ealonde biscopes bede^ ... pa wsos him sended 
aerest oSer biscop reSes modes monn. BH. 198.31 
pa eode se maessepreost to Aidane psem biscope; bsBd 
hine past he for hine gebaede 7 for his geferan, 7 for 
heora gesyntu to Code pingade, pa heo swa micelne 
sidfaet feran scolden; Rood. 11.2 fia hio pus hiom be- 
tweonan sprcecen^ pa cliopodan pare cwene caompan 
pider. In all these cases, also, we most probably 
have the weakening of the termination, and not really 



14 Chapter 1 

an optative. Or, in the case of the examples from 
BH., the mode of the verbs of the temporal clauses 
may be due to the fact of their being in indirect 
discourse. 

In any case, the number of exceptions to the prin- 
ciple laid down is insignificant, granting even that 
all the cases cited are bona fide optatives, which is 
certainly by no means beyond dispute. 

It is interesting to note that i£lfnc in Gram., in 
giving equivalents for Latin modes and tenses, always 
uses 9onne to translate cum when used with the present 
tense, but changes to 9a when the Latin changes to 
the past tense. For example, 182. 14 subivnctivo mode 
under-deodendlicum gemete Tempore Praesenti cum 
amem ponne ic nu lufige^ &c., eodem modo Tempore 
Praeterito inperfecto cum amarem pafa ic lufode hwcBt 
hwega, cum amares fafa du lufodest, &c. 

I have not been able to discover whether or not 
this distinctive sjnitactical function of fa obtains in 
all the cognate languages in which it appears. But 
all the examples I have found indicate at least that 
this use is the prevailing one, as will be seen from 
the examples cited below. Erdmann^ says: Hho steht 
im Nachsatze nach so I, 22.42 u. 5fters; im tempo- 
ralen Nebensatze steht es ebenso wie so und in 
gleicher Bedeutung nur beim Ind. Prat.'* Therefore 
in one important OHG. text, at least, tho has the same 
meaning and use as fa in OE. 

Very often a correlative fa stands at the beginning 
of the main clause, as in this example : O. 19, 25 Ba 
he piderweard seglode fram Sciringes heale, pa wsbs 
him on pset baecbord Denamearc. But the number 
of cases in which this correlative fa does not appear 
are very numerous, even in what we may call the 

^ Syntax der Sprache Otfrids, pp. I20, 204. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 15 

formal temporal period. I have been careful in my 
indexes to distinguish the cases in which fa is used 
fi-om those in which it is not ; but I am not prepared 
to make any statement as to the uniformity of the 
use or omission of the fa in such cases. However, 
when the ^a-clause is drawn in parenthetically, there 
is likely to be no fa; nor does fa usually appear if 
the clause determines the time of the action of a 
verb which is itself in a subordinate clause. 

The use of such balancing adverbs is a very no- 
ticeable feature of OE. prose, and it may be that a 
more minute study than I have been able to make 
of this matter would yield more definite and valuable 
results. 

Occasionally the fa- clause depends on a verb 
omitted, as in this example : BH. 106. 21 Onhyrede 
he on pon pa bysene pees aerestan heordes Godes 
cirican See Petres pees apostoles, pa he aet Rome 
»rest Cristes cirican stadolode. Since clauses intro- 
duced by fa are so common, it would be superfluous 
to quote examples here. Almost any page of OE. 
would yield one or more. 

Of the three connectives, fa^ fafa^ and fa , . . fa^ 
fa is the most common in all the texts except Bo., 
in which the form fa ... fa predominates, Dial., and 
the works of iClfric, in which fafa is by far the most 
common. However, in his Old Testament translations 
the simple fa is more frequent. In general, fafa seems 
to be more common in the late texts, although ap- 
pearing in very early ones also. Perhaps the con- 
sistent use of the simple fa, although there are sev- 
eral examples of the divided form, itself most common 
in early texts, may be considered as another of the 
archaic peculiarities of BIH. The divided form is 
most common in BH., Bo., and Guth. For statistics as 



16 Chapter I 

to the number of examples of each sort in each text, 
see the tables and index-lists ^ 

Note 1. Of the OE. poetry I have examined only the 
Christ I find that 9a is used here as in the prose. 

Note 2. The Middle English form of the OE. 9a is tho, 
and I find it used both as adverb and as conjunction in 
Piers Plowman. In Chaucer, however, it seems to occur 
only as an adverb. By this time kwen has become the 
ordinary temporal connective in such uses as those of 9a 
and donne in OE. I find the form 9o first in Cart 8, 217. 7 
Her switele|) on |)is write ihu Sifled uthe hire ait he po sche 
ouer se ferde. I have noticed it also in the Winteney-Version 
of the Regula S. Benedicti (circa 1200 A. D.), for example, 
6.17; 7.27. In the first of these cases the present tense is 
used, and in the second an optative form occurs. I cite one 
or two examples from Piers Plowman: Pro. 176 Ac tho 
the belle was ybougt, and on the beize hanged. There ne 
was ratoun in alle the route for alle the rewme of Fraunce, 
That dorst have ybounden the belle aboute the cattis nekke. 
Passus 21.243 'By godes body' quath this Book 'ich wole 
bere W3^ttnesse, Tho this bam was ybore, ther biased a 
sterre.' 

Note 8. So far as I have observed, no cognate of the 
OE. 9a occurs in Gothic. However, there are cognates in 
most of the Germanic dialects, and I cite such examples as 
I have noted. Since OF. is most nearly related to OE., we 
begin with that : Lesebuch* 95. 16 Tha use drochten ebem 
warth, tha warther alle brekanden to boden ebem. 96. 22 
Tha mat alra erest sette thet ield, tha slochma enre fi-owa 
hire brother. In reading the OS. Heliand' I noted a number 
of examples of tho^ one or two of which I quote : 794 Tho 
sie that geld habdun, erlos an them alaha, so it an iro ewa 
gibod, gilestid an iro land-wisimi, tho forun im eft thie liudi 
thanan. Nimierous illustrations, might be quoted fi-om OHG., 
but I shall cite only one or two. Erdmann notes that tho 

* pp. 162—177. 

' Wilhelm Heuser, Altfriesisches Lesebuch, Heidelberg, 1903. 

• Heyne's 3te Auflage. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 17 

is used only with the preterite indicative in Otfrid : 8. 17. 35 
Selbo druthin nidar sah, tho man zimo thiz gisprah. 

In ON. the form is pa, which is usually combined with the 
relative er^, when used as a temporal conjunction. However 
pa alone is used, and I cite an example taken from the Ice- 
landic-English Dictionary of Cleasby-Vigfusson : Fommanna 
Saga 7. 165 eitt sinn pa SigurSr konungr for fyrir land fram. 

lb. SaOa. 

Since all that has been said of a general nature 
in regard to 9a applies also to this double form, it 
will be unnecessary to repeat here. 

Probably one of the 9a's was originally an adverb, 
and the other a conjunction. But the feeling for 
this disappeared, and 9a:9a came to be used for ^a, 
without any difference in meaning. It is the com- 
monest form in iElfric's writings, except in the Old 
Testament translations, and is almost the only form 
used in Dial. 

Very often the conjunction da^a is balanced, as it 
were, by a 9a in the main clause. I have noted one 
instance in which 9a^a occurs in this way in the 
main clause : Dial. 880. 18 he hine pa pa na ne ge- 
mette, papa he eft com to pam badum. In the 
Winteney- Version of the Regula S. Benedicti (circa 
1200), I find 9a9a with the present: 28.27 papa hi 
wergiad, nseng cursian agean. 

Note 1. Grein, in his Sprachschatz, gives only one example 
of ifaSa in OE. poetry: Metres of Boethius 11.15 9a9a he 
wolde. In general then, this form belongs to the prose, 
especially to that of iElfric and Bishop Waerferth, though 
occurring elsewhere more or less frequently. 

Ic. 8a . . . 8a« 

For a general discussion of the meaning and use of 
this particle, the reader is referred to the section on 9a, 

^ See fiade^ p. 23. 



18 Chapter I 

Perhaps this represents an intermediate stage be- 
tween 9a and 9a9a^ the first element being a con- 
junction and the other an adverb, or vice versa^ but 
it is felt as a simple conjunction. It occurs most 
often in BH., in which it is used about as frequently 
as the simple fa. In Bo. it is by far the commonest 
form. It is also common in Guth. Its relative frequency 
in BIH. is another evidence of the latter*s archaic 
language. It occurs a number of times in Mart., but 
is rare in other texts. The fa in the main clause 
appears in about the same proportion as in the case 
of fafa. Bo. 71.8 /a se Wisdom fa pis spel [areht 
haif]de^ pa ongan he eft giddian. 

2 a, Somie. 

Excepting fa with its variants, this is the most 
common temporal connective in OE. I have noted 
the following spellings beside the form fonne^ the 
most common one in all the texts: fanne (OET., 
Cart., Lch., CP.) ; fone (Chron., LS.) ; and fcenne (M., 
L., John,, iE. Th., Coll., HL., and Byr.). We find cog- 
nates in Gothic pan^ OS. than^ OHG. danne. The 
Middle English forms are panne, fenne, thanne, feonne, 
fene, fan, fen; and so the Modem English then. 

The meaning of fonne is about the same as that 
of fa. That is to say, it is used to introduce a clause 
telling when the action of the main clause takes 
place — to quote Wtilfing again : 'zur Angabe des Zeit- 
punktes, wann etwas geschieht' — and is translated by 
the German als. Bosworth-ToUer, under fonne^ say: 
^ fanne and fa differ in force ; the former is used where 
the time of an action is indefinite, and is found with 
the future, the indefinite present, and the indefinite 
past; the latter is used where a definite action has 
taken place.' Whatever the reason may be, it will 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 19 

be remembered that we found that 9a is used only 
with the preterite indicative. On the other hand, 
9onne occurs with both indicative and optative, as 
well as with both the present and the preterite tenses. 
However, naturally enough when we consider the 
meaning, the optative occurs, for the most part, only 
in connection with the imperative, after another op- 
tative, or in indirect discourse. The normal difference 
in use between 9a and 9onne is well brought out by 
this example: John 21.18 So9 ic segge pe, pa pu 
gingre woere pu gertest pe, and eodest pser pu woldest. 
Witodlice ponne |>u ealdest |>u strecst pine hande and 
oper pe gyrt and Iset pider pe pu nelt. Of the two 
thousand clauses with this connective which I have 
examined, fewer than two hundred are in the preterite 
tense. iElfric also in Gram, when translating the 
Latin cum^ uses 9a with the preterite, but 9onne when 
the tense of the Latin changes to the present. For 
citations see 9a^, 

As we found to be the case with ^a, clauses in- 
troduced by 9onne frequently carry a causal or con- 
cessive or conditional force, in addition to the pri- 
mary temporal signification. However, the temporal 
element is in all cases prominent enough to justify 
my inclusion of them in the lists. 

Since most of my discussion of these secondary 
and in a sense incidental meanings of 9a is equally 
applicable to 9onne^ I forbear any extended consi- 
deration of the matter here. The reader is referred 
to the excellent dissertation' by Frank J. Mather, Jr. 
for a discussion of the conditional use of 9onne. 

Occasionally the verb, the time of the activity of 
which is determined by the temporal clause, is omit- 

* p. 14. 

* The Conditionftl Sentence in Anglo-Saxon, Munich, 1893, p. 49. 

c 2 



20 Chapter 1 

ted, as in this example : Mart. 4. 18 |>a wees hire ans3m 
swa reod ond swa fseger swa peere wynsumestan fsem- 
nan, ponne heo fsegerost biS. Likewise I have noticed 
one or two instances in which the auxiliary in the 
temporal clause is omitted : Lch. 2, 290. 14 ponne f> 
fyr of pam stane aslegen, hit is god wid ligetta 7 wiS 
l^unorrada ; LS. 2, 38. 555 ponne pyllice gepohtas on 
astigan, ponne astrehte ic me sylfe on eordan. In 
this case a note informs us that agunnon is supplied 
in a later hand. Probably all such cases as these 
two are to be explained as mere accidental omissions 
of the scribes. 

I have not been able to make out the form of the 
verb in this sentence : Lch. 1, 890. 18 Bis man sceal 
cwedan 9onne his ceapahwilcne m^n fortsolenne. Cock- 
ayne translates : 'A man must sing this when one 
hath stolen any one of his cattle*. I judge it is a 
mere corruption for the accusative singular of the 
past participle of forstelan^ with the auxiliary omitted. 

In this example, 9onne seems to be equivalent to 
hwonne: OET. Vesp. Psalms 118. 84 hu monge sind 
deegas diowes Sines 9onne du doest oehtendum mec 
dom. The Vulgate reads : Quot sunt dies servi tui : 
quando facies de persequentibus me judicium? It 
will be remembered that this is a mere gloss, and 
perhaps tfonne or tfa was the only rendering the glos- 
sator knew for the Latin quando. 

The following sentence is the only one of the sort 
I have noted in all OE. This peculiar construction 
is also doubtless due to the wish to preserve the 
construction of the Latin original : L. 13. 35 Sodlice 
ic eow secge f) ge me ne geseoS aerpam pe cum se 
ponne ge cweSaS gebletsod sy se 8e com on drihtnes 
naman. The Latin is : Dico autem vobis, quia non 
videbitis me donee veniat cum dicetis : Benedictus, 



The Connectives of the Tempora Clausel 21 

qui venit in nomine Domini. This curious con- 
struction does not go back to the Greek. 

Sometimes tfonne seems to be used as a sort of 
temporal relative, as in this sentence : John 9. 4 niht 
cymp, ponne nan man wyrcan ne mseg. In such sen- 
tences the clause introduced by tfonne does not de- 
termine the time of the action of the main verb, but 
rather is used to characterize or describe the subject 
of that verb. It is therefore rather an adjective re- 
lative clause than an adverbial temporal clause in 
any ordinary sense. The Latin idiom is precisely 
similar: venit nox, quando nemo potest operari. 
So also the Greek : egxerat. vv^ ote ovSelg dvvazcu ig- 
yatea&cu. In this sentence ifonne translates the Latin 
cum : John 16. 25 Seo tid cymd, psenne ic eow ne 
sprece on bigspellum. Latin: venit hora cum jam 
non in proverbiis loquar vobis. Greek, ore. See 
also L. 17.22; John 4.21; 5.25; LS. 1. 510,384; 
Wulf 118.9; 208.30. The relative nature of these 
clauses appears from a comparison with such cases 
as this : M. 9. 15 sodlice pa dagas cumad pcei se bryd- 
guma by8 afyrred fram him. For this passage the 
Hatton MS. reads : pe se bredgume byp aferred fram 
heom. Latin : cum auferetur ab eis sponsus. Greek : 
otav anaQd-ri dn^ avrmv b vvfiy>iog. Modem English 
when is of course used in just the same way, so 
there is really nothing peculiar about the construc- 
tion in OE. But in OE., ifonne is so often used to 
introduce a real adverbial temporal clause that this 
relative use seems at first strange. Further evidence 
of the fact that fonne occasionally had this relative 
use in OE. is afforded by these examples : Lch. 1. 
324. 6 heo hafap wsestm sinewealtne 7 byteme, se ys 
to nymenne to pam timan ponne he after his gren- 
nysse fealwad. Mk. 24.25 Sodlice ic eow secge f> ic 



22 Chapter 1 

heonon forS ne drince of pyses wingeardes cynne, 
od pone dseg, ponne ic hine niwne drince on godes 
rice. In the following example, 9on is doubtless for 
fonne^ since MS. O. has ponne^ and MS. Ca. porin: 
BH. 340. 7 8a gehyrde heo semninga in psere lyfte 
uppe cuSne sweg 7 . . . , peer heo wunedon to ge- 
bedum gecegde 7 awehte beon, pan heora hwylc 
of worulde geleored waes. 

Note 1. Sonne is as common in the poetry as in the 
prose, and, so £sir as I have noticed, its uses here are par- 
allel to those of the prose. It would therefore be super- 
fluous to quote examples. 

Note 2. None of the Middle English forms of Sonne seem 
to be used in Chaucer as temporal conjunctions, and I have 
only one example from Piers Plowman: B. 16.69 Thanne 
contenence is nerre the croppe as calewey bastarde, Thanne 
bereth the croppe kynde fruite and clenneste of alle, May- 
denhode, angeles peres. 

Note 8. Then, the Modem English representative of OE. 
Sonne, is not used to introduce temporal clauses. 

Note 4. Examples of pan in Gothic are numerous. I 
quote one or two, selected at random: M. 6. 6 Q> |)u pan 
bidjais, gagg in heI}jon I)eina ; Mk. 4. 15 jah pan gahausjand 
unkarjans, suns qimil) Satanas jah usnimi|) waurd. Niunerous 
examples might be adduced from the Heliand, but one will 
suffice: 6608 Than thu an thin riki kumis, wis mi than 
ginadig. This also will illustrate the use of the OHG. cog- 
nate to OE. Sonne : Otfrid 5. 19. 84 Wer ist manno in lante, 
ther thanne witharstante, thanne er iz zi thiu gifiarit, thaz 
sih ther himil ruarit 

2 b. Sonne Sonne. 

The doubled form Sonne Sonne is rare in OE. prose, 
occurring only in Bo. (5 times) and in CP. (33 times), 
and not at all in the poetry, so far as I have been 
able to discover. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 23 

Originally, in all probability, one element was felt 
as an adverb, the other as a conjunction ; but it is 
impossible to determine which is which. To all in- 
tents and purposes, the two form one conjunction, not 
differing in meaning or use from the simple 9onne. 

Since the doubled form is comparatively rare, I 
subjoin an example, though it presents no peculiar- 
ities of use : CP. 311. 12 Bffit is, 9onne fonne sio wamb 
biS adened mid fylle for giefemesse, fonne towierpfl 
hio durh fierenlustas 9a maegenu dsere saule 

2 c. Sonne . • . Sonne. 

This divided form of the connective is even more 
rare than the fonne fonne form. It occurs six times 
in Bo., once in Sol., and once in CP. This form 
needs no extended discussion, since all that has been 
said concerning the meaning and use of fonne ap- 
plies here. I submit an example : Bo. 33. 14 ponne 
pu ponne orsorg ware, 7 pa peofas pe from gewiten 
weeron, ponne meahtes pu bismrian pass andweardan 
welan. So far as my observation goes, this form 
does not occur in the poetry. 

8. Sa Se. 

This somewhat rare connective is, of course, made 
up of the common temporal conjunction fa and the 
relative particle fe. £>a itself is from the root of the 
demonstrative se^ so the particle arose in a manner 
perfectly logical. Though the connective is by no 
means found only in early texts, its use may be a 
survival from a syntactic^ period in which this was 
the common form, rather than the simple ^a, which 
may possibly have developed out of it. Though the 
cognate of fa is not used as a temporal conjunction 
in Gothic, the closely related pan is ; and occasionally 
the relative particle e», corresponding to OE. ^e, is 



24 , Chapter I 

used with it, as in this example : John 9. 4 qimi|> 
nahts, panel ni manna mag waurkjan. In ON. 9a with- 
out the relative particle er is uncommon.^ 

As to meaning and use, 9a 9e does not differ from 
the simple 9a. For data as to its distribution, see the 
tables and index-list.' 

In this example from BH. it might be thought that 
the temporal particle is oefter pon . . . pe^ and that the 
9a is a demonstrative, and correlative with the 9a in 
the main clause, but the sense requires when rather 
than after: BH. 806. 18 iEfter pon pa pe Ceadwola 
waes gemsBgenad . . . , |>a geeode he . . . Wiht peat 
ealond. In this example we have a somewhat similar 
case : Dial. 802. 9 ac mid py pa pe his lie waes ge- 
gyred to pweanne, swa hit peaw waes after his forS- 
foSre aer man hine bebyrgde, his fet 7 his handa 
wasron swa hale gewordene, swylce hi nsefre naefdon 
nan dolh aenigre wunde Isessan odSe maran. In M. 
18. 24 pe is probably a scribal error for he : pa pe pset 
gerad sette, him wses an broht se him sceolde tyn 
pusend punda. Instead of the pa pe of this example : 
Chron. 208. 3 pa pe se cyng Willelm f) geaxode, pa 
bead he ut scip fyrde, MS. D. has pa pa pe. This, 
however, is the only instance of the kind I have noted. 
Thorpe's edition of the Chronicle (Rolls Series 1861) 
has pa pe in this example, which occurs in the entry 
for 1013 in MS. Cott. Tiber. B. IV: /a pe he to paere 
byrig com, pa nolde seo buruhwaru bugan. All other 
MSS. have the simple 9a. 

Note 1. I have found no example of 9a 9e in OE. poetry. 

Note 2. In Layamon's Brut, 9a 9e appears a few times, 
I quote one instance : 2. 885. 16 pa pe he wes old mon : pa 
com him ufel on. See also Brut 2. 50. 12. The Middle 
English whan that is somewhat analogous to 9a 9e. It oc- 

* See Note 3, under da, p. 17. • p. 25. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 25 

curs somewhat rarely, and is even yet met with in archaic 
style; compare the translation of the passages referred to 
above. I quote the well-known opening lines of Chaucer's 
Prologue to the Canterbury Tales : Whan that Aprille with 
his showres soote The droghte of Marche hath perced to 
the roote, &c. 

Note 3. As was stated above, the use of pa in ON. with- 
out the relative particle is imusual. This ON. pa er is 
precisely parallel to the OE. 9a de, and this, taken with the 
evidence from the Gothic panei^ gives considerable support, 
I think, to the theory that the use of ^a as a temporal con- 
nective has been developed from 9a 9e. I quote one example 
from the ON. by way of illustration : En pa er Pall biskup 
hafSi setid at stoli tolf vetr i SkalahoM, I)a vard sa atburSr, 
at Herdis for heiman varit eptir Paska.^ 

4. Sonne 8e. 

Only three examples of this connective have come 
under my notice, all of which I quote at length : 
Dial. 206. 26 ac forpon pe se ealda feond ponne ge- 
tihS to wite 7 to yfle pa forhwyrfdan maen purh andan 
7 sefaeste, ponne pe he sceawap pa godan fremian 7 
weaxan to Godes wuldre; i£H. 1. 48. 12 Se wisa 
Augustinus spraec ymbe dees raedinge, and smeade 
hwi se halga cySere Stephanas cwsede pset he ge- 
sawe mannes beam standan set Godes swydran, and 
nolde cweSan Godes beam ; ponne 9e is gepuht wurS- 
licor be Criste to cweSenne Godes Beam donne 
mannes Beam ; BH. 850. 23 Ond he pa, pcene pe paet 
unmeete sar nom 7 hefigode his scylde gewitnes, . . . 
cws&d he to pam maessepreoste. 

Bonne is from the root of the demonstrative pronoun 
se^ and the use of the relative particle with it is not, 
in itself, anything extraordinary. Probably 9onne was 
originally the accusative singular of the demonstra- 
tive, and probable its use as a temporal conjunction 

^ Vigfusson and Powell, Icelandic Prose Reader, p. 225. 



26 Chapter I 

was developed through this appended 9e. If this is 
so, then we should regard such cases as a survival 
of an earlier syntactical usage, or as the result of 
a lingering feeling of the primitive force of ffonne. 
In Gothic the cognate form pan is occasionally found 
with the relative particle ei,^ 

The meaning and use of tfonne 9e are parallel to 
those of 9onne^ and call for no special discussion 
here. I have not found any examples of this par- 
ticle in the poetry, or in Middle English. The Middle 
English and archaic when that offers some analogy.' 

Note 1. I quote two of the Gothic examples of the use 
of danei: M. 25. 40 jah panei tawideduj) ainamma l>ize min- 
nistane brol>re meinaize, mis tawidedu]) ; Greek, hp oitov. Also 
M. 25. 45. These are rather causal than temporal in force. 
John 9. 4 Ik skal waurkjan waurstwa I)is sandjandins mik, 
unte dags ist ; qimi]) nahts, panei ni manna mag waurkjan ; 
Greek, Sw.' 

5. 8e. 

There are ten* cases in OE. prose in which 9e is 
used as a temporal connective. Because this use is 
so rare, I shall quote the examples rather freely, es- 
pecially since sometimes a particular case could be 
considered as causal. 

That 9e is not a weakened form of 9a is indicated 
by the fact that in two of the examples it occurs 
with the present tense. The particle is occasionally 
used to introduce a causal clause or even a result- 
clause^ I have not been able to find parallel uses 
of the corresponding relative particles in other Ger- 
manic languages, save that er is frequently used to 
introduce temporal clauses in ON. O. 2. 6 Hu Sar- 

^ Ct under 9a 9^, p. 23. * Cf. under 9a 6e^ note 2, p. 24. 

• Cf. under 9a 9f, note 3, p. 25. * Cf. p. 186, 105. 

* Cf. Benham, The Expression of Result in Old English Prose (still 
unpublished). 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 27 

danapalus wees se sipemesta cyning in Asiria, ond hu 
hiene beswac Arabatus his ealdormon ; 7 hu J>a wifmen 
bysmredan hiora weras, pe hie fleon woldon. On this 
Wtilfing remarks: 'Oder soUte 9e relatives Ftirwort 
sein, das durch hie ergSLnzt und verdeutlicht wird?' 
K this were the only example of 9e used to introduce 
temporal clauses in OE.. it might be easier to accept 
this explanation ; but since there are some nine other 
instances of a similar use, it seems unnecessary to 
explain it in any such way. If we include the in- 
stances in which 9e is used to introduce non-temporal 
subordinate clauses, the necessity for explaining away 
its use here is still further diminished. In all the 
cases except two, 9e is to be translated when. In 
the Laws there in found one case in which it seems 
to demand the rendering after and is used to trans- 
late the Latin postquam,^ 

O. 148. 31 to don past he wolde past J>a folc him 
py swipor to huge pe he haefde hiera ealdhlafordes 
sunu on his gewealde. Here 9e has a causal color- 
ing, as 9a often does, but the primary notion is that 
of time. Thorpe translates : Because he would that 
the people should the more readily submit to him, 
when he had their old lord s son in his power. 

BH. 240.6 Ono pe 8a preo winter gefylled waeron, 
aefte Pendan siege paes cyninges, pa wunnon 7 fuhton 
wis Osweo Mercna heretogan. 

Sol. 8. 5 ©u pe oferswiddest Sonne deaS, pe pu sylf 
arise, and sac dest pset ealle men arisaS. Here the 
temporal meaning seems clear, and Hargrove trans- 
lates: Thou who didst overcome death when Thou 
thyself didst arise, and also wilt make all men arise. 

CP. 73.9 Bonan cymeS sio mettrymnes S»m hea- 
ledum, 9e se w»ta Sara innoSa astigS to SsBm lime, 

* p. 104. 



28 Chapter I 

donne asuild hit and ahefegaS & unwlitegad. Sweet 
translates : Hydrocele is caused by the humours of 
the body collecting in the member, so that it swells 
and becomes heavy and disfigured; which certainly 
does not help us to understand the sjmtax of the 
sentence. I should punctuate differently, placing a 
colon after healdum^ and construing ifanne as a de- 
monstrative adverb correlative to fe^ the temporal 
conjunction. 

CP. 85. 21 we magon beon getrymede mid Johannes 
cuide dffis godspelleres, fe he cuaed. Sweet does not 
translate the words at all. Here the particle might 
be construed as being a relative, which of course it 
most often is. Or it might be considered a weakened 
form of ^a, especially since the expression fa he 
cwef occurs almost hundreds of times in this text. 
But the fact that the Cotton MS. also has 9e makes 
against this hypothesis. I prefer to consider it a 
temporal conjunction, used as 9a so often is in this 
connection. 

Dial. 273. 17 ic pa gyt waes wuniende ealling in 
pam mynstre, pe he me pis cySde, past, &c. This is 
one of the clearest examples I have seen, and there 
seems to be no doubt as to the temporal character 
of the ^(^-clause. 

BIH. 129.25 ge efne eac manige haepne men un- 
geleafsume oft purh p®t to godes geleafan gecyrraj), 
pe hie geseoS hu God pa stowe weorpap. This 
example also has a causal coloring ; but it is second- 
ary, and the temporal notion is the chief one. 

To sum up, then, the evidence of these ten cases 
establishes, beyond doubt, the fact that 9e is used 
as a temporal conjunction in OE. prose. WUlfing 
notes only the one case in O., which he considers 
doubtful. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 29 

Note 1. I have found no illustrations of Se used as a tem- 
poral connective in the poetry. 

Note 2. The ON. use of the relative particle ^r as a tem- 
poral conjunction offers a parallel to ffe temporal^. I quote 
one example, but the number might be increased indefin- 
itely : Cleasby's Icelandic Dictionary, Egils Saga : naest er 
ver komum. 

6 a. swa oft swa. 

Though the cognates of the elements of this con- 
nective occur in about all the Germanic dialects, 
I have been able to discover the corresponding tem- 
poral connective only in Gothic, swa ufte swa. It 
corresponds etymologically, and also respecting its 
use, to the Modem English as often as. It occurs but 
seldom, and I have found only about eighty instances 
of its use in OE. prose, while I have not noted it at 
all in the poetry, nor in Middle English. 

In this example the verb is omitted: Lch. 1. 398.15 
cwepe . . . pater noster swa oft swa past oSer . . . 

Occasionally there is a balancing or correlative 
swa in the main clause, thus : LS. 2. 292. 1200 and 
swa oft swa he pyder ferde, swa forhtodon pa deobla 
on ge-wit-seocum mannum. Much more frequently 
do we find a demonstrative tonne at the head of the 
main clause, as in this example: Wulf. 106.28 and 
swa oft swa hy fyrdedon o88e to gefeohte woldon, 
ponne offrodon hy heora lac. However, in the larger 
number of cases we have no such balancing adverb, 
but the main clause follows directly, thus: O. 218.15 
swa oft swa hiene Romane mid gefeohte gesohton, 
he hie simle gefliemde. 

Note 1. The two parallels in Gothic occur in the same 
chapter and in consecutive verses: 1. Corinth. 11.25 sa stikls 
so niujo triggwa ist in meinamma blo^a; ^ata waurkjaip, 

^ See under 6a 0^, p. 23. 



30 Chapter I 

swa ufta swe drigkai]), du meinai gamundai ; 1. Corinth. 11. 26 
Swa ufta auk swe matjait) ])ana hlaif jah t)ana stikl drigkait) 
daut)au fraujins gakannjaij), unte qimai. 

6b swa ofk . . . swa. 

That zwa oft stva had not become altogether a 
closed compound seems to be shown by these two 
examples : O. 274. 24 7 sippan he wsbs Sapan paem 
cyninge to 9on geset, op his lifes ende, psBt he swa 
oft sceolde stupian 8u?a he to his horse wolde: CP. 
273. 12 fordeem hit gewitt sua oft fram us sua us un- 
nytte geSohtas to cumaS. Here we may see the 
origin of the particle. The swa oft belongs properly 
to the main clause, the swa to the subordinate 
member of the sentence. The temporal character 
was originally only incidental, and the idea of com- 
parison predominated. But for the historical period 
of OE. the temporal force is the only one felt, and 
the whole expression is a compound conjunction 
used to introduce a clause of repeated action. 

It is interesting to note that one of the two ex- 
amples (1. Corinth. 11.26) of swa ufta swe in Gothic 
is of this type. 

The two examples quoted above are the only ones 
I have found in the prose, and I have noted none 
in the poetry. 

6 c. swa . . . oftost. 

This connective is very rare, only five examples 
having come under my notice in all OE. prose; but 
these occur in texts ranging from Alfred to Wulf- 
stan. Probably in origin the construction is modal, 
but in none of the cases that I have noted could 
this be considered the primary signification. It is 
noticeable that this construction is used only with 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 31 

the optative present of mugan; and that in every 
case the subject of the subordinate clause is placed 
between the swa and the oftost, while nothing 
else ever is. CP. 5. 3 & forSon ic 8e bebiode SsBt 
du 8o sw8e ic geliefe 9sBt 8u wille, Sset 8u 9e Sissa 
worulddinga to 8sBm geaemetige swce 9u oftost msBge, 
dfiet, &c. Since the number of examples is so few, 
I list them here for convenience of reference: M. 
Th. 445.23; Inst. 415.7; Wulf. 73.21; 290.22. 

Note 1. Grein's Sprachschatz gives only one reference 
for this connective in the poetry: Metra des BoStius^y 22.9 
sece J)aet siddan on his sefan innan 7 forlaete an swa he 
oftost maege selcne ymbhogan. 

6d. swa oft swa • . . oftost. 

This curious construction seems to arise from a 
confusion of the common swa oft swa construction and 
the rare swa . . . oftost. I have found it only in OE. 
prose, and have been able to discover no parallels in 
either the poetry or the other Germanic dialects. Both 
examples are from Wulf: 143. 11 and psBt we swutel- 
jaS swa oft swa we oftost pater noster singaS ; 234. 1 1 
Sonne teraS hy us eac swa oft swa we oftost magon, 
past we secan ure cyrican. 

The origin of the construction from a confusion 
(contamination) of the two constructions treated above 
is especially clear from a study of the latter example. 
Here we have the characteristic position of the sub- 
ject, and the characteristic verb of the swa . . . oftost 
type, as well as the full swa oft swa formula of the 
more common variety. It seems clear also that in 
the first example the oftost is dragged in by asso- 
ciation with the swa immediately preceding.* 

* Grein, Bibliothek, vol. 3. 

* For an example of a similar mixed construction, see swa lan^v . . .06 
^^t p. 133. 



32 Chapter 1 

7a. prep. + object (noun of time) + 8e. 

Occasionally what seems to be a real temporal 
clause is introduced by a prepositional formula of 
the nature indicated above. In general, it may be 
said that such clauses are with difficulty distinguished 
from mere relative adjective clauses qualifying the 
noun of time in the quasi-stereotyped phrase intro- 
ducing the clause. No hard and fast line can be 
drawn, for the temporal nature of the clause is in- 
cidental, and its primary function is to characterize 
the noun of time. But often the phrase (prep. + ob- 
ject + 9e) may be translated when^ or is logically 
equivalent to when^ and the time of the main verb 
is fixed by the relative clause. 

I have noted clauses of this kind, denoting time 
when^ introduced by on, in, to^ and ymhe. The nouns 
used as objects are dceg, niht, cefen, gear, tid, tima^ 
first, gefeoht, and fleam. The most common case is 
the dative, but the accusative and instrumental are 
also found. Be^ of course, is merely the relative 
particle, and may represent any number, gender, or 
case. The noun of time may or may not be modified. 

The following examples will illustrate the normal 
form of this clause, as well as the cases, prepositions, 
&.C., which are found: L. 17. 29 SoSlice on pam dcegepe 
Lo8 eode of sodoma hyt rinde fyr 7 swef of heofone ; 
Dial. 29. 30 7 sona ongeet paet seo Godes faemne wses 
gehsBled in pa ylcan tide^ pe se Godes peow cyrde; 
O. 168. 36 Ymbe Cone timan pe piss wbbs, . . ., he be- 
sierede paet folc; Gen. 21.8 and Abraham worhte, 
swa swa heora gewuna w8bs, mycelne gebeorscipe to 
blysse his mannum on pone dceg, pe man peet cild 
fram soce Sara ateah. 

Sometimes the relative particle is separated from 
its antecedent by the main clause, as in this example : 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 33 

Dial. 172. 18 he pa acsiende smeaSancoIlice ongeat, 
paet on 9a ylcan tid w8bs pees biscopes forSfore, pe se 
drihnes wer oncneow his upstige to heofonum. So 
also in this: LS. 1, 48.410 On pam dcege pu scealt 
cuman to me pe ic com to mannum. This example, 
I think, can hardly be considered a true temporal 
clause. Its difference from the following example 
will perhaps show the distinction, as well as give 
some idea as to the difficulty of distinguishing : ^H. 
1. 286. 22 Efne 8u gesihst 8one mannan beforan 8e, 
ac on tfoere tide pe 9u his neb gesihst, pu ne gesihst 
na his hricg ; ^H. 2. 356. 8 and waeron forSi pa ge- 
bytlu on 9am dcege swiSost geworhte, 9e he 8a 8b1- 
messan gewunelice deelde ; Dial. 30. 12 sona swa pees 
cnihtes feeder him fram cyrde, on pa ylcan tid he 
oncneow, paet him w8bs eft lif seald, pe he aer ge- 
hyrde of paes haelendes sylfes mu8e, p8Bt him lif ge- 
haten wses. 

The following is the only example I have noted 
in which to is used in these phrases: Lch. 1. 256. 12 
7 to 9am timan 9e se fefor to 8am men genealaecean 
wylle, smyre hyne paermid. The word-order is pe- 
culiar in the following sentence, but is due to the 
Latin : OET. Vesp. Psalms 19. 10 geher us in dege in 
9€efn we gecega8 8ec. Latin: exaudi nos in die qua 
invocaverimus te. fia is probably for pe in this ex- 
ample : BH. 168. 2 pa gelomp in seolfan tid, pa mon 
pone cyning fulwade, 88Bt peer wsbs, &c. This view 
is supported by the fact that MSS. B. and Ca. have pe, 

O. 206. 13 pa on 9cem gefeohte pe hie paet fsesten 
brecan woldon, wses Romana fela mid flanum ofscotod. 
Gefeoht is not strictly a noun of time, but the con- 
struction is identical with that of the other examples, 
and the word does represent the time in which the 
action of the main verb occurs. 



34 ChapUr 1 

It will appear from the notes given below that this 
construction is common to many languages, as would 
naturally be expected. 

Note 1. I have made no close examination of OE. poetry 
with this point in mind, but I have noted this example in 
the Christ. Here, however the text may be corrupt^. Christ 
1097 t)aet, l>eah, to teonum [geteod] weorI)e9 (feodum to I)rea, 
l)am l)e l)onc Gode Womwyrcende wi[h]t[ej ne cul)im, t>3es 
he on l)one halgan beam ahongen wees Fore moncynnes man- 
forwyrhtu, J>aer he leoflice lifes ceapode, t)eoden moncynne, 
on I)am dage, Mid ^y weorSe — ^ no wom dyde His lichoma 
leahtra firena — Mid t)y usic alysde. Whitman translates: 
'But this shall be for an affliction and a punishment to men, 
to those malefactors who knew no gratitude to God, that 
He, the King, was crucified on the holy rood for the sins 
of mankind, on that day when He whose body knew no 
sin nor base iniquity lovingly purchased life for men with 
the price with which He ransomed us*. 

Note 2. I have noted this example in Chaucer's Prologue 
(43), which though it does not indicate time when, illustrates 
the general features of this kind of clause : A Knight ther 
was, and that a worthy man. That fro the tyme that he first 
began To riden out he loved chivalrie, Trouthe and honour, 
firedom and courteisie. 

Note 3. This verse from L. will show the Modem Eng- 
lish form of this idiom : 17. 30 after the same manner shall 
it be in the day thai the Son of man is revealed. The 
Italian is similar, thus : Dante Purg. 28. 49 Tu mi fai rimem- 
brar dove e qual era Proserpina nel tempo che perdette La 
madre lei. 

Note 4. The Latin idiom will be seen firom the example 
which follows : Gen. 5. 1 In die qua creavit Deus hominem, 
ad simihtudinem Dei fecit ilium. Compare also the Greek: 
L. 1.25 Ovttos fioi nenoirpuv Kv^iog iy tuABqctue aig sneldey wp^Xstw 

^ See the note to 1097 in Cook's ed. * C. H. Whitman, Boston, 1900. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 35 

7b. noun of time (in oblique case) + 8e. 

This construction is closely analogous to the pre- 
ceding, but is met with somewhat less frequently. 
We find the same difficulty spoken of in relation to 
the preceding class of clauses, in distinguishing 
clauses virtually temporal from relative adjective 
clauses; though in general the number of doubtful 
cases is not so great 

I have noted the following nouns of time used in 
this way : dceg, niht, tid^ gear, and gefeoht. The case is 
usually the instrumental, though the genitive and 
dative are also found. As before, I quote examples 
to show the norm of this construction, illustrate the 
use of cases, &c. : Chron. 79. 26 se forSferde py geare 
pe seo sunne aSystrode ; ^H. 2. 186. 22 pees geares 9e he 
gewat he cySde his forSsiS on aer sumum his leoming- 
cnihtum; O. 226. 17 Ac pasre ilcan niht pe mon on daeg 
hffifde pa burg mid stacum gemearcod,..., wulfas atugan 
pa stacan up. BH. 330. 12 pcem tidum swiSust pa hende 
onlesde wsBron, pcem pe for hine pa symbelnesse 
maessena msBrsode waeron. This example is unusual 
in that the demonstrative is repeated with the Ife^ which 
does not immediately follow its antecedent. 

Sometimes another part of the sentence, usually 
the main clause, comes between the noun of time 
and fe^ as in the example from BH. 330. 12 quoted 
above. So also : Mart 6. 17 py ilcan dcege ic to heof- 
onum astah pe ic to eorSan com ; Dial. 306. 15 hi 
onfundon 7 geacsodon, p8Bt py ylcan dcege peodric 
se cjming wsbs dead, pe hit gecyped wsbs 7 geeowed 
pam Godes peowe be his eende. 

Note 1. I have noted one example of this construction 
in the Christ Probably it is as frequent in the poetry as in 
the prose, since it seems to be common to many languages. 
Christ 1153 Hwsetl eac scyldge men Gesegon to soSe, py 

d 2 



36 Chapter I 

sylfan dcege pe [he] on t)rowade, J)eodwundor micel, f aette 
eorfle ageaf I)a hyre on laegun. 

Note 2. In Middle English that replaced OE. ife, and this 
use of that has persisted to the present time. I cite one 
Middle English example : Amis. A. Amil. 2437 Thei come 
home that y Ik a day, That here bredale was holder 

Note 3. In Modem English we sometimes find the parallel 
construction, though my reading leads me to think that the 
prepositional formula occurs more often than the construction 
we are now considering. For example, in the Authorized 
Version, L. 17. 29 reads : But the same day that Lot went out of 
Sodom it rained fire and brimstone from heaven; but the 
Revised Version has : but in the day that Lot went out from 
Sodom it rained fire and brimstone from heaven*. The 
French idiom does not have the prepositional formula at all, 
so far as I have been able to learn. This sentence will 
illustrate the usage in that language : Je sms arrive a N. Y. le 
jour que mon ami se preparait a faire un voyage en Eiu-ope. 

Note 4. So far as I know, only one example of this con- 
struction is to be found in Gothic, though sentences in which 
the prepositional formula is used are occasionally met with. 
The example I have noted is as follows : L. 17. 30 Bi ])amma 
wair^i^ pantnta daga^ ei sunus mans andhuljada. It follows 
the Greek exactly. 

Note 5. Of course in Latin the ablative denotes time 
when, usually without a preposition, so the parallel to this 
construction is very common. I quote the Latin for L. 17. 29 : 
Qua die autem exiit Lot a Sodomis, pluit ignem et sulphur 
de coelo. The Greek is: ^ (ffi tifii^d^ i^Xd^ev Amt dt^h lodofnoy 
iBQsiey HYP xal ®€U>y an' ofPANOY, It will be observed 
that in neither of these cases is the relative employed. 

8 a. mid Sam 8e. 

This conjunction is made up, as so many are, of 
the preposition, plus its object (here in the dative), 
plus the relative particle. I find the same difficulty 

^ Weber, Metrical Romances, 2. 

* For the Latin and Greek of this example, see note 5. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 87 

as with the other conjunctions of the mid-clsiss — that 
of determining the precise relation of the actions of 
the two clauses to each other. But I am convinced 
that the primary use of the conjunctions with mid is 
to introduce a clause indicating time when. I have 
assigned examples to the different classes as seemed 
to me most appropriate. A general discussion of 
the use of the conjunctions of the mid-clsiss will be 
found under the head of mid 9y, Since this applies 
to all conjunctions made up of mid and its object, 
whether dative or instrumental, with or without 9e^ 
no extended consideration is required here. 

The spelling 9(em has been noted in O. and CR; 
elsewhere 9am alone is found. I quote examples to 
show differences in spelling, use of 9a in the main 
clause, &c. : O. 292. 30 Ac mid poem pe he from paere 
clusan afaren wses wip pare scipa, pa com Theodosius 
psBrto ; Jos. 2. 5 And hig umon on aefnunge ut of 
pissere birig, mid pampe]fa, burhgatu belocene wurdon. 
The Latin runs : cumque porta clauderetur. Jos. 4. 18 
Mid pam pe hig ferdon fram p8Bre ea Jordanen, pa 
am se stream forS, swa swe he aer dyde ; Latin : 
cumque ascendissent. I have noted two examples in 
which mid 9am is repeated at the head of the main 
clause, thus : MU. 1. 122. 38 Mid pam 9e he forbead 
pam gehsBledum hreoflian p8Bt he hit nanum men ne 
cydde, mid pam he sealde us bysne pset, &c. ; LS. 2. 
422. 368 Mid pam pe ic hogode helpan pinum wife. 
mid pam ic forleas min. This example is found in 
the Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew, a poorly written 
and often corrupt text: HL. 119.57 7 midpa 9e he 
h»fde XX wintrae, pa nam he wif him to make. MS. 
J. has mid pam pe^ which is doubtless the correct 
reading, and midpa is due to a mere scribal error. 
The form mid poem 9a is found in Quot. 151. 3. 



88 Chapter 1 

Note 1. So far as I have been able to discover, mid ffam 
9e does not occur as a temporal conjunction in OE. poetry. 

Note 2. The Gothic mippanei presents a very close pa- 
rallel to 0£. mid Sam Se, as to both structure and use. 
I quote an example or two for comparison : L. 18. 36 War}) 
{>an, mippanei nehwa was is Jaireikon, blinda sums sat faur 
wig du aihtron ; L. 2. 27 Jah qam in ahmin in ^izai alh ; jah 
mippanei inn attauhun berusjos ^ata bam Jesu, ei tawidedeina 
bi biuhtja witodis bi ina, (28) jah is andnam ina ana armins 
seinans. 

8b. mid 87 8e. 

The fifty -odd examples of this connective that 
I have collected occur in texts from BH. to Epis., 
the greatest number in any one text being in BIH. 
In BH. the form mid 9y is most common, as is also 
the case with Guth. As is to be expected, the meaning 
and use do not differ from that of mid ^, and for 
a general discussion the reader is referred to the pa- 
ragraphs on that connective.^ In Dial., especially in 
MS. O., we frequently find the spelling mid ty 9e, and 
in BIH. the spelling mid pi pe. With this connective, 
as with mid 9y^ we find 9a used in a variety of ways. 
The examples quoted are selected with the view of 
illustrating the different spellings and this use of 9a : 
Dial. 49. 26 mid py pe he p8Bt heafod upp ahof of {)am 
gebede, he funde gesund p8Bt leohtfsBt ; BH. 168. 26 
Mid py pe he eft Csenwalh on his rice gesetted waes, 
pa com in Westseaxe sum biscop of Ibemia Scotta 
ealonde ; BH. 136. 28 Mid py pe he pa se cyning from 
paem foresprecenan biscope sohte 7 ahsode heora 
halignesse, . . . pa andsvforede he ; BIH. 249. 18 
Md pi pe pa weeron gefyllede seofon dagas swa swa 
him Drihten bebead, he ferde of [Mar] madonia ceastre ; 
Dial. 126. 20 mid ty pe pis wees gehealden for pam 

* p. 41. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 39 

gewunan paBS ymbhydiglican regoles, pa sume dsBge 
hit gelamp, paet pa gebroSra eodon ut to sumre 
spraece; CP. 55. 11 Mid 9i 9e he sceolde his gestreon 
toweorpan, mid 9y he hie gadrad. This is the only 
example I have noted with mid 9y repeated at the head 
of the main clause. 

8 c. mid San 8e. 

This connective is found only in Guth. I have not- 
ed eight instances of its use there, as against one 
occurrence of mid 9y 9e, There is nothing to add, by 
way of generalization, to what has been said in con- 
sidering mid 9y^ and I shall content myself, therefore, 
with quoting an example or two: Guth. 56. 3 Mid pan 
pe hi faran woldon, pa brohton hi forS ane glofe; 
Guth. 52. 5 Mid pan pe hig pa on manegum gesprsBC- 
um heora gastlic lif smeadon, pa comon pser ssem- 
ninga in twa swalewan fleogan; Guth. 86. 19 And pa 
pffire aefter fylgendan nihte mid pan pe se foresprecena 
broSor nihtlicum gebedum befeall, pa geseah he eall 
paBt hus uton mid mycelre beorhtnesse ymbseald. 

8flL mid Son 8e. 

I have noted only two instances of the use of this 
connective, and both of these are in O. Wtilfing assigns 
the first of these to his third class of temporal claus- 
es: ^Nebens^tze zur Angabe der Dauer einer Hand- 
lung Oder ihrer Gleichzeitigkeit mit einer anderen.* 
But, as in many instances of the clauses with mid 9y, 
I cannot see that the clause has any other force than 
to indicate time when. The Latin has the ablative 
absolute construction — devicta Aegypto^ and we there- 
fore derive no aid from that source. It is worthy of 
note, however, that the participle in the Latin ablative 
absolute construction is past, and therefore to some 
extent bears out my position. The other example 



40 Chapter I 

Wiilfing assigns to his second class — 'Nebens^tze 
zur Angabe der unmittelbaren Folge einer Handlung 
auf eine andere.' Here the Latin is lacking, so that 
again we are left in doubt. Thorpe translates when 
for the first example^ and after for the second. I think 
it mere hair-splitting to assign either to any other 
class than that indicating time when. The action of 
the two clauses of the first example could hardly 
have been simultaneous, and there is nothing to show 
that that of the one clause followed that of the other 
immediately in the second. I quote both examples 
in full : O. 78 3 se [Ciruses sunu], mid pan pe he Egypte 
oferwon gedyde pset nan hsBpen cyning [«r] gedon 
ne dorste, paet wees paet he heora godgieldum eallum 
wiSsoc, 7 hie »fter psBm mid ealle towearp ; O. 258. 25 
Ac mid pon pe hie pees cristendomes onfengon, hie 
waeron swa gepweere 7 swa gesibsume paet hie ealle 
forgeafon peem casere pa fsehpe pe his msBg haefde 
wis hie »r geworht. The example quoted from BIH. 
under mid 9y^ indicates the course of development 
for this sort of connective. Since it seems to me so 
significant, I quote it here also : BIH. 183. 18 he cweep, 
Md pon dcege wsbs gefylled se daeg pe is nemned 
Pentecosten ymb fiftig nihta eefter paere gecypdan 
aeriste, pa waeron ealle pa apostolas wunigende on 
anre stowe. 

Se. mid 8am. 

Only one instance in which mid 9am is used with- 
out the relative particle has been noted. Of course 
there is nothing noteworthy in this form ; it is exactly 
analogous to mid 9y. The meaning is evidently rend- 
ered by when. I quote the example : LS. 2. 62. 135 
and mid 9am he ineode, pa aras se cyning. 

* P- 45. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 41 

8f. mid 87. 

Though the cognates of both the elements of 
this conjunction occur in most of the Germanic 
languages, I have not found that this particular com- 
bination occurs except in OHG. In this it is often used 
as a temporal conjunction by Tatian, but not at all 
by Otfrid. In OE., mid 9y occurs in general only in 
Anglian texts, over half of the examples being in BH. 

We have first to consider the meaning of the con- 
junction. Hittle ^ thinks that the primary force of mid 
is local, and that its uses of denoting accompaniment 
and agency are developed from this. We should 
expect, therefore, that mid 9y would denote that the 
action of the main clause and that of the temporal 
clause were simultaneous, and of equal duration. 
WUlfing assigns clauses with mid 9y to the class : 
'Nebensatze zur Angabe der Dauer einer Handlung 
Oder ihrer Gleichzeitigkeit mit einer anderen.' My 
own study of these clauses has led me to differ widely 
from this view. It is true that sometimes mid tfy 
has the meaning of vohile^ and that sometimes the 
action of the two clauses is simultaneous ; and when- 
ever this has seemed to me to be the case, I have 
assigned the example to the appropriate class. But, 
on the other hand, mid 9y is very often used to in- 
troduce a clause which does not denote duration, 
nor simultaneous action. Much more often the par- 
ticle would bear the translation after rather than 
while. In BH., in which it occurs most frequently, 
it will be remembered, it is used to translate the 
Latin cum much more frequently than dum. I think 
here it is equivalent to 9a or 9onne^ and is used 
simply to indicate when the action takes place. In 
such sentences the particular relation of the two 

^ Zur Geschichte des ae. Prap. mid and with^ Anglistische Forechungen 5. 



42 ChapUr I 

actions is not emphasized, but rather the time of the 
occurrence ; to quote M^tzner : ^ 'Dieser Nebensatz 
(der Zeitbestimmung) kann zuv5rderst das Wann? 
im AUgemeinen als einen Zeitpunkt oder Zeitraum 
innerhalb einer jeden der drei Zeitsph^en bestimmen, 
worauf die Handlung des Hauptsatzes bezogen ist, 
welche ebenso eine gegenwSrtige, vergangene, oder 
zukilnftige sein kann. Die im Nebensatze enthalt- 
ene Handlung kann tats^chlich mit der des Haupt- 
satzes zusammenfallen oder ungleichzeitig sein ; beide 
k&nnen einander decken, oder eine die andere, wie 
der Zeitraum den Zeitpunkt, einschliessen. Diese an 
sich m^glichen, aus den Zeitformen des Nebensatzes 
und des Hauptsatzes sowie aus dem Zusammenhange 
und der Natur der Handlungen sich ergebenden 
VerhSlltnisse werden durch die hier im Satze enthalt- 
ene Zeitpartikel fiir sich nicht angedeutet, sie ist am 
wenigsten charakteristisch und darum verschiedener 
Beziehungen f^hig, und kOnnte zum Teil mit anderen 
wechseln.' This, I think, fairly expresses the use of 
mid 9yj and I believe that the truth of this will 
appear clearly from an inspection of the examples 
I shall quote. 

The form mif 9y occurs most frequently in the 
Northumbrian Gospels. In fact, it there almost ex- 
cludes both 9a and 9onne — occurring 120 times in M., 
119 in Mk., 180 in L., and 126 in John, according to 
Cook's Glossary ^ Here also it is used to translate 
both the Latin cum and dum^ but in fully 90 per cent, 
of the cases it stands for the former. The use of 9a 
with this connective is one of its peculiarities. It oc- 
curs both in the subordinate clause and in the main 
clause, or in either. Since the frequent use of this 

^ Englische Grammatik 2. 431. 

* A Glossary of the Old Northumbrian Gospels, Halle, 1894. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 43 

connective is almost peculiar to BH., and since all the 
variations with 9a and 9onne are represented, I have 
selected all the examples for quoting from this text. 
The attention of the reader is especially directed to the 
time-relation of the two clauses, and the use of da and 
9onne. BH. 28. 18 Mid 9y Peohtas wif nsBfdon, beedon 
him fram Scottum. Certainly here mid 9y is best 
translated by when^ since neither the 'Dauer' nor the 
'Gleichzeitigkeit' of the action is thought of. Neither 
clause contains 9a^ be it noticed. This example is 
very similar, and mid 9y represents cum : BH. 438. 13 
Mid 9y se adl swi8e weox 7 hefegade, eft se cyng 
ineode to him hiene to niosianne 7 to leerenne. Mid 
9y also renders cum in this example : BH. 234. 6 Fordon 
mid py he micelre tide aefter lifde 7 geome halig 
gewreotu leornade 7 smeade, pa aet nyhstan onget 
he 7 geleomade in gaste, pSBt he ne w8bs mid waetre 
fulwihtes beeSes Code to beame acenned. Here we 
have 9a at the head of the main clause, as a sort of 
demonstrative relative to ihid 9y. Hardly any other 
translation than when would give the force of mid 
9y in this example : BH. 304. 25 Mid 9y he pa se 
bisceop pa stowe onfeng, pa gestapelode he peer 
mynster. Here we have a 9a^ in addition to the mid 
9y. Its office seems to be to make the time more 
specific, and to point to the pa at the head of 
the main clause. Sentences of this type are very 
common in BH. : 112. 7 Mid py heo pa gesegon pone 
biscop meessan on symbelnesse msersian in Codes 
cirican 7 peem folce husl syllan, waeron heo mid 
elreorde dysignesse onblawne. In this example we 
have no 9a at the head of the main clause. 

BH. 34. 22 Mid py 9a se foresprecena Codes man 
fela daga mid him wsbs, . . . pa becom pSBt to earan 
p8BS manfullan ealdormannes. In the latter example 



44 Chapter I 

9a has come to stand next to mid fy^ and we also 
have fa at the head of the main clause. This example 
is similar to the preceding, save that we find no fa 
in the main clause : BH. 232. 6 Mid py pa ten dagas 
paes feowerteglecan feestenes to lafe wsBron, cwom 
sBrendwrace, se 8e hine to cyninge feran het. For 
the relative occurrence of these combinations of mid 
9y and 9a^ consult the index-list ^ There each vari- 
ation has been noted. That mid 9y in BH. is used in 
place of 9a is indicated also by the fact that only 
eight or nine of the one hundred and thirty-nine exam- 
ples are in the present tense. 

It is also worthy of remark, perhaps, that in more 
than 90 per cent, of the instances with this connective, 
the subordinate clause comes before the main clause. 

In a few cases 9(mne takes the place of ^a, and 
I note that when this happens the tense is always 
present : BH. 86. 11 Mit py heo ponne gelimpeS seo 
bismrung for oferfyllo, ponon hafaS pset mod hwylc- 
ehugu cylde; BH. 88. 2 Mid py ponne se lichoma 
onginneS lustfuUian, ponne onginneS peer neo syn 
acenned beon ; BH. 82. 25 Mid py ponne seo lufu ne 
bid tudres to tilienne, ac se willa ma wealdeS in peem 
weorce p»re gemengnisse, /^onne habbaSpa gesinhiwan 
Searfe be heora gemengdnesse,p8ethi wepen 7hreowe 
don. In all these examples mit 9y translates the 
Latin cum. 

BH. 290. 6 Mid 9y 9apa seo foresprecene Cristes 
peowe TorhtgyS preo ger pa gena aefter paere hlaf- 
digan forSfore in pissum life haefd wees, ond heo 
swa swi8e mid pa untrymnisse pe we forecw»don, 
soden wses, paBtte na pa baan an to lafe waeron. Form- 
ally, at least, this sentence has no main clause. For 
this 9a9a MS. B. has simply 9a^ which is probably 

* p. 191 ff. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 45 

the correct reading, since, to my knowledge, 9a9a is 
never used adverbially. So, for this example, MSS. 
B. and Ca. have mi9 py: BH. 418.15 Mid 9a Pippin 
se cyning Froncna pas Sing geherde 7 geacsade, pa 
sende he weorod 7 heht hiora lichoman to him ge- 
laedan. This example shows the particle in course 
of development, or at least enables us to deduce the 
process. It is the only one of the sort I have noted ; 
BIH. 133. 13 he cwsep, mid pan dmge wses gefylled se 
dseg pe is nemned Pentecosten ymb fiftig nihta sefter 
psere gecyddon aeriste, pa waeron ealle pa apostolas 
wunigende on anre stowe. BIH. are comparatively late, 
but the archaic ^ nature of the language is very mani- 
fest, and perhaps this is another evidence of that fact. 
I have not been able to find any parallels in the 
poetry, in Middle English, or in Modem English. 

Note 1. The Gothic bipe offers some analogy, and I there- 
fore quote an example : Mk. 4. 10 \^ bipe warp simdro, frehun 
ina pai bi ina mil) paim twalibim pizos gajukons. 

Note 2. In OHG., mit thiu is used in very much the same 
way as mid tfy in OE. In Otfrid, however, it occur sonly as 
an adverb, but in Tatian it is common as a conjunction. 
I subjoin several examples for the sake of comparison : Tatian 
44. 15 Mit thiu sie iuuer ahtent in therro burgi, iliohet in 
andera (cum autem persequentur) ; Tatian 6.7 Cristes cunni 
uuas so : Mit thiu uuas gimahalit thes heilantes muoter Maria 
Josebe, er thiu zisamane quamin, uuas siu fundan so scaffaniu 
fon themo heilagen geiste. The Latin is : cum esset despon- 
sata. Tatian 2. 3 Uuard tho, mit thiu her in biscofheite 
giordinot uuas in antreitu sines uuehsales fora gote, . . . 
thaz her uuihrouh branti ingangenti in gotes tempal. Latin : 
Factum est autem cum . . . 

8g. mid San. 

I have noted this form of the instrumental with 
mid used as a temporal conjunction, only in Guth., 

' See Morris' Preface to his ed. of BIH. 



46 Chapter I 

and have only six examples of it so used. Since its 
meaning and use do not differ from those of mid 9y^ 
no further discussion is necessary at this point. It 
will be noted that the form mid ty is much more 
frequent in Guth. than even mid 9an. I quote two 
examples to show the use of 9a with the con- 
nective : Guth. 94. 22 Mid pan he pa wees forhtlice 
geworden for psere ungewunelican gesihpe, 9a ge- 
seah he pone eadigan wer Guthlac on engellicre 
ansyne him beforan standan ; Guth. 22. 21 fia pses 
on mergen mid pan hit daeg waes, pa ferde he eft to 
pam mynstre. 

8h. mit te. 

I have noted this weakened form of mid 9y in only 
two texts — OET. Vesp. Psalms, and Chad. — and 
have only three examples in all. 

Since this particle does not differ in meaning and 
use from mid 9y^ any extended discussion is unneces- 
sary here. I quote the examples in full : OET. Vesp. 
Psalms 105. 44 7 gelocade hie, . . ., mit te he geherde 
gebeodu heora. The Latin has : Et respexit, . . . cum 
exaudiret orationes eorum. Chad. 144. 118 mitte hit 
pa wunade on pere stowe swa swa tide fee, swilce 
hit punnurad were 7 he pa ymbhygdie mode spyrede 
hwet p were, a ont3mde se biscop ceadda p egSyrl 
pes ge bed buses; Chad. 143. 97 Mitte se biscop 
ceadda per inne bee redde 7 he per ute wathte, 
swa hwet swa hit gcsegen wes, p hit pearf wes. 
The sentence is not complete. 

8i. mittes. 

So far as I have noted, this form occurs only in 
Chad., five cases in all. It is derived probably from 
mid and 9y8^ the instrumental of 9es, Since the syn- 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 47 

tax agrees with that of mid 9y^ no discussion need 
be given here. I quote one or two examples, and 
for convenience give the references for the others: 
Chad. 144. 121 MUtes heo pa swa comon pa manode 
he ceadda heo erest p hi lufan 7 megen 7 sibbe 
him be tweonum 7 ealle ge leaf nisse heoldon mid 
ealre anrednesse ; Chad. 145. 178 7 mittes hine freg- 
nadem his gingran for hwon he p dyde, £>a andwyrde 
he him 7 cweS. Also ' Chad. 144. 136 ; 147. 234 ; 147. 252. 

8j. mid Son daBge. 

This example is interesting chiefly for the light it 
throws on the origin and meaning of the wid- for- 
mulae in general. Since it has already been utilized 
twice, once in the discussion of mid 9y^^ and again 
in that of mid 9on te^^ it will be sufficient to quote 
it here : BIH. 133. 13 he cw8b|), mid pon dasge waes ge- 
fylled se daeg pe is nemned Pentecosten 3anb fiftig 
nihta eefter peere gecypdan aerist, pa waeron ealle pa 
apostolas wunigende on anre stowe. We have had 
occasion several times before to speak of the con- 
sciously or unconsciously archaic nature of the lang- 
uage of BIH., and this is probably another instance 
in which an earlier syntactical usage has been pre- 
served. 

8k. mid San Saat. 

In this sentence from Guth., mid 9an 9cet seems to 
be used as a temporal conjunction : Guth. 66. 20 fiaet 
gelamp mid pan pcet manige men for missenlicum 
pingum him to comon, pa betweox opre com paer 
p8Bs foresprencenan wraeccan i£pelbaldes gefera paes 
nama waes Ova. There is nothing inherently impos- 
sible in such a use of 9cet, but it is extremely rare 
in OK 

* p. 45- * p. 40. 



48 ChapUr I 

81. mid SaBxn Saat. 

In these two examples from O. it seems possible 
to consider mid 9(em d(Bt as a temporal conjunction: 
O. 190. 21 7 hie psBt swa gelaesten, gif him Scipia 
ne gestirde, se waes para cempena ieldest, mid poem 
pcet he his sweorde gebrsed. MS. C. reads mid teem 
te^ and the Latin is : nisi Cornelius Scipio tribunus 
tunc militum districto gladio deterruisset. Thorpe 
translates : ' and they had so done, if Scipio had not 
restrained them, who was the eldest of the soldiers, 
when he drew his sword.' He, however, reads mid pam 
pe. The second example is quite clearly non-temporal. 
The Latin is lacking, so we can derive no help from 
that source. O. 286. 14 Ac God gewraec on |)8Bm 
faerelte swipe gedafenlice on psem arleasan men his 
arlease gepoht, mid pcem pcet hiene gemette an mon, 
pa he for from Actesifonte peere byrig. Thorpe trans- 
lates: 'But in that expedition God very fittingly 
avenged on that base man his base intention, when a 
man met him, as he came from the city of Ctesiphon.' 

9. Sonecan 8e. 

This strange connective appears only in Bo., and 
there but three times. It seems to be made up of 
dion, equivalent to fonne, and the adverb ece^ eternally. 
We should, therefore, naturally expect that it would 
mean whenever^ and this hypothesis is confirmed by 
the context in the three instances in which it is 
used. Though Sedgefield, in his glossary, gives the 
meaning whenever^ in all three cases he translates 
as soon as^ or as soon as ever. Since the form is 
so interesting, and since the instances in which it 
is used are so few, I quote the three passages : Bo. 
44. 7 7 peah hi nu ealle hiora lif 7 hiora dseda awri- 
ten hsefdon, ... hu ne forealdodon pa gewritu peah 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 49 

7 losodon ponecan pe hit waere, swa some swa pa 
writeras dydon; Bo. 58. 2 7 beo p ilce p heo wsbs, 
9onecan 9e heo utan behwerfed sie p p hio ser wses; 
Bo. 61. 6 Ac ponecan pe he done anwald forlaet, odde 
se anweald hine, ponne ne bid he nauder pa dysegan 
ne weorS ne andrysne. I have been able to discover no 
parallel in the poetry; and so far as I know, nothing 
of the kind appears in Middle English. Our whenever 
is somewhat analogous, though, as was asid before. 

10. swa hwanne swa. 

The unique example of this connective is found 
in CP. 389. 36 Ond eac forSsem Saette hie 8y faesSlic- 
or & dy untweogendlicor gelifden dara ecena dinga, 
swa hwanne swa him da gehete. Sweet translates: 
^whenever he promised.' Hwanne is regulary an inter- 
rogative adverb, but here, as happens in the case 
of many other adverbs, has acquired relative force. 
This relative force is generalized by the addition 
swa . . . swa^ so that the whole phrase is exactly 
equivalent to the Modem English whenever'; the when 
of which is, of course, derived from the OE. hwanne. 
Both 9a and 9onne^ especially the latter, introduce 
this sort of clause, which is really the protasis of 
a general condition ; and this perhaps explains why 
this connective is so rare. 

Note 1. In Layamon's Brut I have noted the form tueonne 
so, but here the so seems to have no generalizing force : 
2. 206. 5 uor weonne so ich beo uor9 faren, Hengest eow 
wul makien kare. The Century Dictionary, under whenso, 
quotes this sentence from William Morris, giving a review 
in the Academy of Feb. 9, 1889, p. 86, as the source: *In 
a far oiF land is their dwelling, whenso they sit at home.' 
This is of course such an archaism as abounds in Morris' 
work. The form whensoever is much more common, though 
it too has an archaic tone. I quote a sentence from the 



50 Chapter 1 

Lesser Litany in the Book of Common Prayer : 'Mercifully 
assist our prayers which we make before the in all our 
troubles and adversities, whensoever they oppress us.' 

Note 2. Swa hwanne swa has an exact parallel in OS. 
so hwan so: Heliand 1960 Than seggio ik iu te warun, so 
hwan so thius werold endiod; Heliand 4047 All hebbiu ik 
gilofton so, that it so giwerdan skal, so hwan so thius werold 
endiod. 

11a. on swa hwilcum d»ge swa. 

This formula is similar to that of prep, -f obj. (noun 
of time) -^pe. But this is generalized by the use of 
8tca . . . stca^ making it, in effect, the protasis of a 
general condition. In meaning, the phrase is precisely 
equivalent to the Modem English on whatever day. 
I have noted only two examples of this, both in Gen., 
and practically identical. I quote both : Gen. 2. 17 
Sodlice of pam treowe ingehides godes and }rfeles 
ne et pu ; on swa hwilcum dcege swa pu ets of pam 
treowe, pu scealt deade sweltan. The Latin runs : in 
quocumque enim die comederis ex eo, morte morieris. 
Gen. 3. 6 Ac god wat sodlice, paet eowre eagan beod 
geopenode on swa hwilcum dcege swa ge etad of pam 
treowe. Latin : in quocumque die comederitis. 

Note 1. I have noted a very similar example in the poetry : 
Reb.^ 5. In swa hwyke Hid swa ge mid treowe to me on 
hyge hweorfaS, and ge hellfirena sweartra geswicaS, swa ic 
sywle to eow mid siblu£an sona cyrre purh milde mod. 
Here we have the accusative rather than the dative, tid in- 
stead of dag, and in instead of on; but, nevertheless, the 
parallel is sufficiently close. 

lib. swa hwilce d»g(e) swa. 

This formula is analogous to that of noun of time 
(in an oblique case) 4- pe. The office of the swa 
. . . swa is to generalize the time indicated by the 

^ Grein-Wlilker's Bibliothek 3. 170. 



The CofmecHves of the Temporal Clause 61 

substantive. The expression is therefore equivalent 
to the Modem English whatever day^ though we more 
often use the prepositional formula on whatever day. 
I have noted only two examples with this connec- 
tive: Chron. 72.81 he him apas swor 7 gislas salde, 
psBt he him gearo waere swa hwelce dasge swa hie hit 
habban wolden ; and Exod. 10. 28 Swa hwilce dceg swa 
ic pe geseo, pu scealt sweltan. The Latin for the 
latter example is : quocumque die apparueris mihi, 
morieris. Were it not for the one example in Chron., 
I should think these forms due to an imitation of the 
Latin ; but of course we cannot maintain any such 
theory for that example. 

Note 1. I have noted an example of the same sort in 
PPs. 137.4 Swa hwylce daga ic l>e deome cige, gehyr me 
hwsetlice. For this the Latin is, as usual, in quocumque die. 
The rarity of this construction seems somewhat surprising 
at first, considering its frequency in Modem English ; but the 
fact is probably due to the frequent use of ^omte in just 
such general conditions as we may consider these. 

12. Sonne mr 8e. 

This connective occurs only once in OE. prose, 
and its exact meaning is a matter of some doubt. 
The passage is : Bo. 49. 27 Ac ponne cer pe he p ge- 
wealdleper forlaet para bridla, pe he 9a gesceafta nu 
mid gebridlode hsefS, psBt is seo wiperweardnes pe 
we aer ymbe spraecon : gif he 9a IsBt toslupan, ponne 
forl8Bta9 hi pa sibbe 9e hi nu healda9. Cardale, Fox, 
and Sedgefield all translate whenever^ and Sedgefield 
says in a note on the passage^ that cer seems to be 
a contraction of cefre. The Latin runs: Hie si frena 
remiserit, Quidquid nunc amat invicem, Bellum con- 
tinuo geret It seems then that whenever must be 
the proper rendering, but cer as a, contraction for 

* p. 417. 

e 2 



52 ChapUr I 

cefre is certainly unusual. Yet, in lieu of a better 
explanation, it must be accepted, for the present at 
least. 

13a. swa. 

As a conjunction, the usual function of swa is to 
introduce modal clauses; but the modal idea readily 
passes over to the temporal. This happens in many 
languages; for example, in Greek, &g sometimes in- 
troduces temporal clauses, as, does %U in Latin, comme 
in French. In German, ah is perhaps the most com- 
mon conjunction denoting time tvhen, though even 
wie is sometimes so used, as, for instance: wie es 
(das Meer) schl^ft, da sagt der Blick, was keine 
Zunge spricht. One of the most striking instances 
of this use of modal connectives to introduce tem- 
poral clauses that I have noticed is in the Low 
Latin Sanctae Silviae Peregrinatio ^, namely the fre- 
quent use of quemadmodum in the sense of cum^ 
thus: 10.9 guemadmodum ibamus de contra videbam- 
us summitatem ; 47. 19 hoc solum hie amplius fit, 
quod infantes, cum baptidiati fuerint et vestiti, guem- 
admodum exient de fonte, simul cum episcopo pri- 
mum ad Anastase ducuntur. 

In OE. it is not always possible to distinguish be- 
tween the modal and the temporal meaning. In gene- 
ral, therefore, I have not considered cases as temporal 
that could readily be considered modal, believing 
that there is some feeling of manner remaining, even 
in some of the examples I have admitted. 

Probably the OE. clause introduced by swa tem- 
poral denotes that the action of the two clauses 
is simultaneous ; but from this the less definite when- 
clause, and the clause denoting immediate succession, 

^ Ed. Bechtel, University of Chicago Press, 1902. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 53 

easily arise. I shall consider here only the when- 
clauses. For further discussion of swa temporal, the 
reader is referred to swa = as soon as^. It will be seen 
from the examples quoted how difficult it is to draw 
the line between modal and temporal clauses : Dial. 
29. 12 swa pe halga wer pis gehyrde, pa smercode ; 
O. 198. 24 pa geacsedon pa consulas past ser, aer 
Hannibal, 7 him ongean comon, swa he pa muntes 
oferfaren haefde. Latin: cum descendisse. In such 
examples as this I think the modal meaning predo- 
minates : Lch. 2. 306. 30 do eft on p ilce feet, nytta 
swa pe pearf sie. 

In the following sentence hwa is doubtless a mere 
scribal error for swa (MS. T. and also the Winteney 
Version have swa) : BR. 91.9 Da pa on ytinge ahwyder 
farad, niman him brec of hraegelhuse, eft hwa hy ham 
cumen of pam fserelde, betaecan him gemaene. 

Note 1. In the poetry swa sometimes has temporal force. 
I have noted it in Beowulf, thus : 1667 pa {)aet hilde-bil forbam, 
brogden mael, swa paet blod gesprang, hatost heaSo-swata. 

Note 2. In Middle English we find swa, or al swa, or as, 
used in temporal clauses. Thus, Lagamon's Brut 2. 478. 8 
Al swa pe aSele king pas word hafede isaeid, Cador sprong 
on horse : Chaucer, Pardoner's Tale 336 : Thise riotoures 
thre, of which i telle, . . ., were set hem in a taveme for to 
drynke ; and as they sat, they herde a belle clynke bifom a 
cors, was carried to his grave. 

Note 3. In Modem English, as very often has temporal 
force. Such clauses are so common that it is almost super- 
fluous to quote; this will suffice: Paradise Lost 2.676 Hell 
trembled as he strode. 

Note 4. In Gothic, swe frequently bears temporal signi- 
fication, as in L. 8. 23 ])aruh pan swe faridedun, anasaislep ; 
John 18. 6 |)aruh swe qaj) im l>atei ik im, Galibun ibukai jah 
gadrusun dala]). The Greek is: is ow dney avtois Ey<o €i/At, 

» p. 68. 



54 ChapUr I 

an^X^y dt ta otimw xai hisaay x'^l*^^* '^^ same passage in the 
Heliand 4850 runs thus : So im tho the neriendo Krist sagda 
te sodon, that he it selfio was, so wurSun tho an forhton 
folk Judeono. Likewise in OHG: Tatian 81.4 Inti so sie tho 
gistigun in skef, bilan ther uuint ; Otfrid 2, 9. 51 So er thaz 
suert thenita, ther engil imo hareta. 

Note 5. In Greek, ig sometimes has the temporal meaning, 
as in the verse quoted from the New Testament above in 
Note 4 ; this appears as early as Homer, thus : Iliad 1. 600 

StofKtza nomyvoyta. Likewise ut early acquires this meaning 
of when in Latin. I quote an illustration from Terence : 
Andria 8. 4. 11 Hoc audi ui hinc te intro ire iussi, oppor- 
tune hie fit mi obviam. 

18b. 8wa Saat. 

Stca feet is, of course, a common conjunction intro- 
ducing consecutive clauses, and it seems most strange 
that it should ever have temporal force. Yet in a 
few instances it undoubtedly has. 

I can suggest no explanation, nor have I found 
parallels either in the poetry or in cognate languages. 
I shall quote aU the instances, since they are few, 
and since most of them call for some discussion : 
Chron. 162. 13 Her gefor Hardacnut swa / he st his 
drince stod. This is unquestionably temporal, and 
purely so. And as such also I consider the next 
example: Lch. 1. 246. 2 nim ponne paene opeme ende 
7 gewriS to anes hundes swjrran, swap se hund hung- 
rig sy. Still this may be conditional, and mean pro- 
vided that ; Cockayne translates : 'so that the hound be 
hungry,' which rather lends support to this view. 
MH. 2. 18. 21 Hit wsbs stca poet se Nabuchodonosor 
gehergode on Codes folce, and aweg gelsedde mic- 
elne dael pses folces to his rice. Thorpe translates: 
'It was when Nebuchadnezzar warred on Cod's people. 



The Connectives of the Temporcd Clause 65 

and led away a great part of the people to his king- 
dom.' 

I do not consider this example as temporal, though 
it may be so construed : Int. Sig. 50. 493 God afand- 
ode abrahames swa pcet he het hine niman his leofan 
sunu Isaac 7 geoffrode gode to lace 7 sySSan ofslean 
on pa ealdan wisan. A variant gives a much better 
reading: God afandode Abrahames gehyrsumnysse, 
and het paet, &c. I doubt very much the temporal 
force of swa feet in this example also : Deut. 9. 9 and 
ic purhwunode on pam munte feowertig daga and 
feowertig nihta, stca pcet ic ne set ne dranc. The Latin 
is : panem non comedens et aquam non bibens. Wulf. 
293. 14 and, pa pa Moyses se heretoga laedde godes 
folc of Egipta lande, pa on pam daege he hit laedde 
ofer pa readan s8b, stoa pcet he sloh mid anre gyrde 
on pa S8B, and heo toeode on twa. The latter example 
seems to me to be temporal. But the use of stca pcet 
with any other force than consecutive is strange, to 
say the least 

14. hwonne. 

It is not strange that hwonne^ the interrogative ad- 
verb, should sometimes be used as a conjunction 
introducing temporal clauses. If we remember that 
its direct descendant when is the most common tem- 
poral connective in Modem English, we are rather 
surprised that this use is so rare in OE. When used 
as a conjunction, hwonne has most often the sense 
of until^ in which case it still lies close to its common 
use as an interrogative in indirect questions.^ It is 
sometimes difficult to determine whether hwonne should 
be regarded as a conjunction, or merely as an adverb 
in an indirect question. 

» Sec p. 137. 



56 Chapter I 

All the three cases in which I have regarded it as 
a conjunction are in the Laws, and it is used to 
translate the Latin quando in each instance. It is 
probable that quando itself went through the same 
course of development as hwonne^ having been ori- 
ginally an interrogative. 

I quote all three of the examples: Laws 140. 12 Eac 
we cwaedon, ... 7 Saet he him geandagode of pam 
folclande, hwanne he him riht worhte beforan ^am 
gerefan. Latin: quando rectum velit ei facere coram 
preposito suo. Laws 144. 19 Ic wille |>set eelc gerefa 
haebbe gemot a ymbe feower wucan ; 7 gedon Seet 
8bIc man sy folcrihtes wyrSe, 7 Sset aelc sprsec haebbe 
ende 7 andagan hwcenne hit fordcume. Latin : quando 
proveniat. Laws 194. 8 On hundrede, swa on o8er 
gemote, we wyllaS paet mon folcriht getaece set eelcere 
spsece 7 andagie, hwcmne man paet gelaeste. Latin: 
quando hoc impleatur. Even here the use of hwonne 
somewhat approaches that of the indirect question. 

Note 1. In Middle English, whan frequently has the mean- 
ing of when in Modem English, as is to be expected, since 
the latter developed directly from it. I have noted it in 
Merlin (E. E. T. S.) 3.687 Whan Gawein saugh hem come, 
he seide now may we abide to longe. 

Note 2. Of course it would be superfluous to quote 
Modem English examples of 2e;/r^M-clauses. 

Note 3. In OS., hwan is used much like hwcpnne in OE., 
chiefly as an interrogative. I quote an example in which it 
seems to introduce a temporal clause : Heliand 5780 so thie 
wardos thes wiht ni afsuabim, derbia liudi, hwan hie fan them 
do9e astuod. In Otfrid, wanne sometimes introduces temporal 
clauses, thus : Otfrid 3. 1. 11 In thesen buachon uuanne ih 
auuiggon ni gauge. 

15 a. Saar. 

Beer is, of course, primarily the local adverb ; but 

it developed a relative use, as did many other de- 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 57 

monstratives. As a relative, naturally enough, its 
chief use is to introduce adverbial clauses of place. 
By a metaphorical extension of the local idea, however, 
it comes to have temporal, causal, and especially 
conditional force. It is impossible, in many cases, to 
draw a hard and fast line between these different 
meanings, all perhaps united more or less clearly in 
the same case, shading off the one into the other. 
In general, it is safe to say there is some survival 
of the local idea, even though logically the given 
example may seem to belong to one of the other 
categories. The examples selected for quoting will 
manifest the difficulty of determining whether or not 
a given example should be considered as temporal, 
local, causal, or conditional. For 9cer in conditional 
use, see the dissertation of Dr. F. J. Mather*, and 
Wiilfing*. I have noted the spelling tar in M. Th. 

CP. 129. 7 Sua eac 9asr Seet heafod biS unhal. eall 

4 

9a limu biod idelu. This example may be regarded 
as conditional'. Mart. 188. 11 ond sume daege peer 
heo hy gebsed, heo onsende hyre gast to gode. The 
proximity of sume dcege helps out the temporal notion ; 
as does 9y dcege also in this example : Mart. 176. 21 
py dcege Gabriel se heahengel aeteowde Zacharie, Jo- 
hannis faeder, peer he stod aet pam weofode, ond ricels 
bsemde in godes onsaegdnesse. The use of the word 
soel^ and the ta at the head of the main clause, seem 
to me to make it clear that, in the following example, 
the temporal idea is the predominant one : LS. 2. 284. 
1038 Eft on sumne sod peer martinus sidode mid his ge- 
ferum, pa com paer faerlice yman an pearle wod cu. 
It requires an effort of the imagination to take 9cer in 
its local meaning in this example, though probably 

^ The Conditional Sentence in Anglo-Saxon, p. 40. ' 2. 143. 

' Cf. Mather on this point, p. 50. 



68 Chapter I 

some such feeling remains : LS. 1. 426. 176 ac hi beod 
geopenode oft unpances huru on domes daeg, p(Br 
nan Sincg digle ne biS. The temporal force also 
seems to be clear in this concluding example : Wulf. 
176. 30 and gyf bisceopas forgymaS, paet hi synna 
ne styraS ne unriht forbeoSaS ne godes riht ne cySad, 
ac clumjaS mid ceaflum, peer hy sceolan clypjan, wa 
heom pare swigean! 

Note 1. It seems that Seer is used as a temporal con- 
junction in the poetry also. I have noted this example in 
Cynewulf *s Christ : 795 Ic |)aes brogan sceal Geseon synwraece, 
l>8es l>e ic sod talge, Ixxr monig[e] beoS on gemot laeded fore 
onsyne eces Deman. Whitman translates : 'For this, as I ac- 
count truth, I shall behold terror, the punishment of sin, 
when many shall be led into the assembly before the pre- 
sence of the eternal Judge.' 

Note 2. The use of Seer as a temporal conjunction seems 
to have persisted well into Middle English, though I have 
noted no examples of a purely temporal nature. Indeed its 
Modem English representative, where, is used in precisely 
the same manner, at least in colloquial speech. In this 
example there seems to mean although, with a temporal 
coloring: Piers Plowman B. 11.287 And in the apparaille of 
a pore man and pilgrymes lyknesse Many t3rme god hath 
ben mette amonge nedy peple. There nevere segge hym 
seigh in secte of the riche. 

15b. Saar Saar. 

Though fcer fcer, as well as simple fcer, might 
sometimes be translated while, the examples belong 
rather to this class. It seems that when it is used 
with temporal force, it is equivalent to fa or fonne. 
Probably the original force of the first feer was that 
of a demonstrative, but, for the historical period of 
OE., it is hardly safe so to generalize. I have noted 
the spelling per in Sol., thus : Sol. 44. 2 GeSenc nu 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 59 

hweder awiht mani (?) mann cynges ham sece, per 
t(Br he donne on tune byS. So also in this example : 
Sol. 42. 1 Hu ne ys pset eac nu butan aelcum tweon 
paBt selcum men ys se sealra betsta creft, and |)8Bt se 
beste weorc paet he aefter wysdome spurige, and hine 
lufige 9er 9cer he hine ongyte? Hargrove translates: 
'And is it not his best work to search after wisdom, 
and love it whenever he findeth it?' The tfonne at 
the head of the main clause gives support to the 
rendering when for 9€er tcer in this example: CP. 
399. 17 tcer [tcer] hi 9one fiell fleoS 9»re synne, tonne 
magon hie deah weordan gehselede suide ieSelice 
dur[h] forgiefnesse & 8urh gebedu. In the following 
sentence, probably the use of tcer tcer is due to the 
fact that the writer had a particular passage of a book 
in mind, the New Testament of course: CP. 451. 5 
Ac tcer tcer us God forbead 8sBt we ure ryhtwisnesse 
beforan monnum dyden, he us gecySde forhwy he 
hit forbead. 

It is impossible, for me at least, to distinguish 
between a local and a temporal use in such cases as 
this : ^H. 1. 182. 29 |)»t peer bi9 so9 aerist, tcer tcer 
beoS wepende eagan and cearcigende teft. Very 
likely in all these examples there is a strong local 
feeling, as well as the temporal force. This conclud- 
ing illustration presents the same difficulty of inter- 
pretation: ^H. 1. 252. 19 Heardheort biS se mann 
8e nele purh lufe oSrum fremigan, peer tcer he maeg. 

16. 8wa hwaar swa. 

Formally this connective is the generalized local 
conjunction; and its temporal meaning, if indeed it 
have any, is incidental, and, so to speak, accidental. 

Both sentences in which I have thought it might 
have temporal force occur in discussions of the date 



60 Chapter I 

of Easter. I quote them : Lch. 3. 244. 1 1 We secgaS 
swa peah be dsere halgan easter tide f) swa hwcer swa 
pe mona byS feowertyne nihta eald fram XII ma kP 
april, {) on Sam daBge byS seo easterlice gemeeru. 
De Temp. 6. 23 is identical with this. In all probab- 
ility the idea was purely local in the mind of the 
writer. He thought of a place on a calendar, or some- 
thing of that sort. However, the clause is logically 
temporal, and therefore I consider it. 

17 a. loca hwsBr. 

Loca hiccer seems to mean wherever, and is similar 
in composition and development to loca hwcenne 
(q. v.). In a few cases it seems that it may be 
regarded as a temporal conjunction. However, in 
all probability the idea is local, the writer having 
in mind a calendar.^ The examples I have noted 
are all in Lch., except one in Byrh., four in all. I quote 
only one, since all the others are practically ident- 
ical : Byrh. 322. 31 M\c preost sceal witan psBt sefter 
VIII id' martins, loca hwcer beo se mona niwe paet he 
gebyraS to paere easterlican tide. Cf. Lch. 3. 226. 
13; 16. 19. 

17 b. loc(a) hwanne. 

This connective, compounded of hwanne^ the inter- 
rogative, and loca^ the imperative of locian^ has the 
generalized meaning of whenever. The generalizing 
effect of loca is plainly seen in the following example : 
LS. 1. 400. 278 Bide me loca hwces pu wille eerdan 
pe ic beo genumen of Sinre gesihSe. This connec- 
tive is of rare occurrence, and I quote all the examples 
I have noted : Chron 158. 4 ealla pa gerihta pe paer 
of arisaS of eeidre healfe Sare heefene, swa p loc whenne 
J) flod byp ealra hehst 7 ealra fuUost beo an scip 

* Cf. above, swa kwar swOy p. 59. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 61 

ilotigendelswa neh pan lande swa hit nyxt mege, &c. 
The sentence is incomplete in Chron. Cart. 1. 137. 
81 Ac loc hwenne hit gewurSe f> biscop oSde abbod odSe 
abbedesse gewite of dysan live, sy hit gecydd San 
Arb. LS. 1. 336, heading: Spel loca htccenne mann 
wille. Skeat translates: A homily for any occasion. 
Wulf. 199. 16 be pam awrat Johannes se godspellere 
on daere bee pe man hat apocalipsin, pus cwedende : 
locahwonne para godes pegna Enoh and Elias tima 
cumen biS, paet heora bodung geendod biS, p8Bt wilde 
deor . . . feohteS togeanes heom, and aet nyhstan 
oferswyS hy and ofslyhS hy. 

18. nu. 

As a conjunction, nu is usually employed to intro- 
duce causal clauses, and I very much doubt its ever 
being used as a purely temporal connective. How- 
ever, I have noted this one case in which nu may be 
construed when^ and has indeed been so rendered 
by Sedgefield in his excellent translation. The sen- 
tence in question follows: Bo. 80. 28 Wundorlice 
creefte pu hit hsefst gesceapen paet p fyr ne forbeemS 
p wflBter 7 pa eorSan nu hit gemenged is wi8 aegSer. 
Sedgefield translates : ^when mingled with either'. The 
context, shows, I think, however, that although would 
be a more fitting translation. The thought does not 
seem to be that it is wonderful that fire does not 
bum water or earth tvhen they are mingled, but that 
it does not, now that they are actually mingled. 

Note 1. Schflcking^ says concerning nu : 'Die kausale 
Bedeutung ist von der temporalen nicht immer zu scheiden. 
Naders Voigehen (a. a. O.) die nu-SSitze nach dem Muster 
von Erdmann (Otfrid, Syntax) einschrMnkungslos unter die 
Kausalslltze zu verweisen, ist des rein temporalen Ursprungs 

^ Gnindzilge der Satzverkniipfung im Beowulf, p. 4. 



62 Chapter I 

der Konjunktion wegen schon nicht ohne Bedenken (vgl. 
auch M&tzner m, 478 fOr die historische Entwicklung^). Be- 
stimmt liegt in einem Falle wie v. 1476b kein kausales 
Verhflltnis vor : get)enc nu, se msre maga Healfdenes, snottra 
fengel, nu ic eom sdSes fus . . . hwst wit geo spraecon/ 
I cannot agree that there is no causal relation in this example. 



19. 

It seems that in one instance gif^ the most common 
particle used to introduce conditional clauses, has 
temporal force. Very often temporal connectives, 
especially 9onne^ shade off into conditional use ; why 
then should not gif occasionally have temporal 
signification? However, this is the only instance 
in which I have considered the temporal element 
prominent enough to call for notice. The example 
is: LS. 2. 36. 526 Nu pu me axast pa Sincg pe ic 
swiSe pearle sylf beforhtige, gif me nu to gemynde 
becumad ealle pa frecednysse pe ic ahrefnode. Skeat 
translates: ^whenever all the perils that I underwent 
recur to my memory.' The temporal coloring is 
surely very slight, if present at all. 

B. CLAUSES DENOTING IMMEDIATE SEQUENCE. 

la. sona swa. 

This is the most common conjunction in OE. denot- 
ing that the action of the main clause immediately 
follows that of the subordinate clause. The cognates 
of the elements of the connective occur in most of 
the Germanic languages, and examples will be found 
in Note 4. 

In origin the construction was probably modal. 
We have seen that the ^t^a- clause modal easily 
passes over to temporal use. The sona 5M?a-clause 
differs from this only in that an adverb has been 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 63 

introduced to emphasize the temporal nature of the 
clause, to indicate more exactly the time-relation of 
the two clauses. Originally sona belonged to the 
main clause, as will appear from the examples which 
follow, but the combination came to be felt as a 
simple conjunction introducing clauses 'zur Angabe 
der unmittelbaren Folge einer Handlung auf eine 
andere/ to quote Wtilfing. The sentences indicating 
most clearly the origin of the construction are those 
in which the elements of the conjunction are sepa- 
rated, thus: BH. 46. 19 hi wseron sona deade, swa hi 
eorSan gesohtan ; LS. 2. 188. 210 and hit sona aras, 
swa hit hrepode pa stowe. In this example, sona 
seems to belong rather to the main clause, while the 
temporal force of swa is still combined with its ori- 
ginal modal value : Dial. 298. 18 pa sona swa pses 
lichama gefeoU on eordan, eall se mund acwacode. 
Very frequently there is a demonstrative 9a at the 
head of the main clause ; occasionally 9onne occurs, 
though very rarely. The following examples will 
serve to illustrate this : Chron. 181. 14 ac sona swa 
hi to gsedere gan sceoldan, ponne wearS peer sefre 
purh sum ping fleam astiht; Mart. 122. 21 ond sona 
swa heo wees sendlefen geara, pa lufode heo Crist, 
ond on hine gelyfde; HL. 198. 118 He pa se ealda, 
sona swa he pset gehyrde, blissode and god herode; 
Ap. T. 6. 20 Thaliarcus, sona swa he p gehyrde, he 
genam mid him ge feoh ge attor, 7 on scip astah; 
Chron. 85. 9. ac he forOferde sona swa hi pider com. 
Swa is also sometimes found at the head of the 
main clause.^ 

Note 1. Judging from Grain's Sprachschatz, sona swa is 
rare in the poetry. It does not occur at all in the Christ 
or Beowulf. I quote an example from the Metra of Boethius : 

^ See sona swa . . . stoa^ p. 65. 



64 Chapter 1 

8. 1 Sona swa se Wisdom {)as word haefde swetole areahte, 
he {)a siddan ongan singan. 

Note 2. Sona swa occiirs in Lagamon's Brut, thus : 2. 521. 6 
Sona swa he ArSur isaeh, swa he on his cneowen bseh. We 
find sone so in Piers Plowman, as in this example : B. 10. 226 
Was nevere gome uppon this grounde . . . fairer under- 
fongen . , . than my-self sothly sone so he wist That I was 
of Wittis hous. In Middle English we find all conceivable 
variations between this and Modem English as soon as, 
Richard Coer de Lion^ 5748 And al so soone as he was 
come, He brak asunder the scheltrome. Piers Plowman 
20. 68 Ac as sone so the Samaritan hadde sighte of that 
syke, He alyghte anon of lyarde. Chaucer, Prioresses Tale 
136 For which as soon as it was dayes light, . . . She hath 
at scole and elles wher him soght 

Note 8. In Modem English, soon as is sometimes used, but 
for the most part only in poetry. I quote an example or 
two which I have noted incidentally in my reading: Gary's 
Dante's Divine Comedy, Hell 8. 71 This shalt thou know, 
soon as our steps arrive Beside the woeful tide of Acheron. 
The well-known lines of Addison's hymn on Creation come to 
mind also: Soon as the evening shades prevail, The moon 
takes up the wondrous tale. 

Note 4. Gothic suns-ei is a sufficiently close parallel to 
OE. sona swa, and I quote examples of its use : L. 1.44 Sai 
allis sunset war^) stibna goleinais t>einaizos in ausam meinaim, 
lailaik t)ata bam in swignit)ai in wambai meinai; John 11.20 
Q) Mart)a, sunset hausida patei Jesus qimi]), wit)raiddja ina. 
OS. ofiFers only the divided form san . . . so, yet the par- 
allel is very close, and the divided form sona . . . swa occurs 
a few times in OE. Heliand 8029 Tho ward siu san gihelid, 
so it the helago gesprah wordun war-fastun. This OS. con- 
struction lends support to the theory of the origin of the OE. 
conjunction advanced above. No exact parallel occurs in 
either Otfrid or Tatian, but analogous constmctions do occur. 
So , , , erist and so sliunto so are the commonest connectives 
in OHG. denoting that the action of one clause follows that 

^ Weber, Metrical Romances, Edinburgh, i8io. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 65 

of the other immediately. Since the latter approximates the 
OE. sona swa, I quote an example : Otfrid 3, 20. 60 gisah ih 
sar, so iz gizam, so sliumo, so ih \z thana nam. 

lb« sona swa • . • swa. 

In a number of cases we find swa at the head of 
the main clause, though 9a is more frequently met 
with. Swa in this position confirms the theory of 
the origin of this sort of temporal clause that has 
been advocated above. The sona swa having become 
to all intents and purposes a single conjunction, the 
second swa is introduced at the head of the main 
clause, because of a lingering consciousness of the 
originally modal character of the clause. We have, 
then, what we may regard as three stages in the 
development of the sona swa clause : first, the sona . . . , 
swa . . . stage ; then, the sona swa • . . , swa . . . stage ; 
and thirdly, the sona swa . . . form, with or without 
a demonstrative temporal adverb at the head of the 
main clause. The modal element will be evident in 
varying degrees in the examples I shall quote : BH. 
30. 2 sona swa hi Saes landes lyft gestuncan, swa 
swulton hi; Bo. 141. 6 ac sona swa hi hiora mod 
onwendaS from gode, swa weorSaS hi ablende mid 
unwisdome ; CP. 463. 34 Daet is Seette Seet mod sona 
swa hit God forsihS, swa seed hit his agenne gielp. 

Note 1. I have found only one example of this kind in 
the poetry : Phoenix 120 Sona swa seo sunne sealte streamas 
hea oferhlifad, swa se haswa fugel beorht of t)ses bearwes 
beame gewitefl. 

Note 2. Sona swa . . . swa is found in Layamon's Brut : 
2. 869. 12 Sona swa Vder hine isaeh, swa he him to-geines bseh. 

Ic. sona swa . • . sona. 

In a few instances sona is repeated in the main 
clause, usually not at its head, where 9a often ap- 
pears, but in the body of it. 

f 



66 Chapter I 

Its function is to bind the two clauses more 
closely together, and to emphasize the fact of the 
immediate sequence of the action of one clause on 
that of the other. Often the temporal clause is 
somewhat loosely related to its main clause; there 
is no such intimate relation as between the parts 
of a conditional or result period, for example, and 
devices such as this for emphasizing the relation 
are freqently met with. The examples quoted will 
illustrate the peculiarities spoken of. 

LS. 1. 284. 21 and sona swa his earmas for unmihte 
aslacodon, sona sloh amalech and sige hsefde on him ; 
Epis. 155. 414 9a sona swa he me paer geahsode and 
him mon s»gde pcet peer mon cymen waes of Alexan- 
dres herewicum, pa het be me sona to him tedan. In 
the following example sona is evidently written for 
sona swa, for MS. G. has this reading; it also reads 
sona for mid 9am : LS. 2. 30. 461 ac sona ic halige fsBmne 
pines suna rode geseo, ic mid pam wiSsace pissere 
worulde. 

I have found no parallels in either the poetry or 
Middle English. 

IcL sona . • • swa. 

This form of the connective has already been spoken 
of, because of its bearing on the question of the 
origin of the construction. I have noted only five 
examples of it in OE., two of them in BH. Since 
they are so few, and throw so much light on the 
origin of the sona swa clause, I quote the five in full : 
BH. 46. 19 hi weeron sona deade, swa hi eordan gesohtan ; 
BH. 154. 34 sona on mome, swa hit dagian ongan^ 
p8Bt he for on pone here pe him togegnes gesomnad 
wses ; LS. 2. 138. 210 and hit sona aras, swa hit hrep- 
ode pa stowe; Dial. 37, 18 pa semninga se ylca 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 67 

Julianus, swa he geseah pone Godes peowan, he forseah 
hine sona for his gegerelan. In this last example we 
have a yet further variation from the sona swa type, 
and the original force of swa is especially clear : BR. 
126. 20 Swa se cuma cnocige, oppe se pearfa clypige, 
he sona cwepe, &c. : Latin, mox autem aut . . . 

Note 1. In OS. only the divided form occurs, thus: 
Heliand 1741 Thea mugon gi san antkennean, so gi sie 
kuman gesehat . . . 

le. swa sona swa. 

I have found only one instance of swa sona swa; 
and this seems strange, since swa hrafe swa is the 
regular form for that connective. Probably the ex- 
planation is to be found in the difference in origin of 
the two — sono swa being modal originally, and swa 
hrafe swa developing from a comparative construction. 
That sona swa assumed the comparative form may be 
due to the influence of swa hrafe swa. But the better 
explanation, as it seems to me, is that the origin of 
the construction was forgot, and the feeling of com- 
parison became prominent, as it is in Modem English 
as soon as. This is the unique example of swa sona 
swa in OE: LS. 2. 436. 184 secgad me swa sona swa 
ge on-cnawap paet he cucu ne byS. 

Note 1. Early in Middle English the comparative form 
became common^, and Modem English as soon as is the 
direct development of the form that we find in Layamon*s 
Bmt 2. 344.6 Swa sona swa V8er of pissen pingen iwar9 
war, faerde he bad stronge. 

If. sona swa swa. 

This form is due probably to a merely accidental 
repetition of swa. Since the other MS. has sona swa, 
and since it is the only example of the sort in OE., 

^ See sona swa^ Note 4, p. 64. 
f2 



68 Chapter I 

I contentmyselfwith quoting the example: Dial. 214. 12 
sona 8wa swa Martinus gehyrde Benedictus word, he 
tobraec hraSe pone fotcops. 

Ig, swa • • • swa. 

Swa frequently has the meaning when, and some- 
times denotes that the action of one clause follows 
that of the other immediately*. 

I have noted two examples in which stva is repeated 
at the head ol the main clause, and in which the time- 
relation of the two clauses is of this kind. I quote 
in full : O. 172. 8 Swa peBt pa se o8er consul gehierde 
Diulius, swa gefor he to Saem iglonde. The Latin 
runs: Quod ubi Duilius, alter consul, audivit, cum 
triginta navibus adversus Annibalem profectus est. 
Bo. 57. 23 swa pu hine alaetst, swa sprincd he up 
7 wrigaS wi8 his gecyndes. Swa properly dehotes that 
the action of the two clauses is simultaneous ; but in 
the nature of the case, in these examples, one must 
follow the other. 

Ih. swa. 

For a general discussion of swa temporal, the reader 
is referred to the paragraphs on swa introducing a 
clause denoting time when^. We should expect swa 
to denote that the action of the two clauses was 
simultaneous; but often it seems to be equivalent to 
fa or ffonne, and sometimes it is plain from the con- 
text that it is equivalent to sona swa. This will 
be clear from a study of the examples that follow: 
Bo. 145. 25 Ac sio gesihS set frumcerre swa pa eagan 
on besiod, hi ongitafl ealle pone andwlitan Sabs licho- 
man; Chron. 99. 4 pa hwile sioy9e rafe sefter pam, 
swa opre ham comon, pa fundon hi o8re floe rade p 
rad ut wi8 Ligtunes ; LS. 2. 340. 89 and swa he pone 
munuc geseah, pa axode he hine to hwi he come. 

^ See swa^ p. 52, 68. * p. 52. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 69 

Note 1. I have only once noted swa used in the poetry 
to mean as soon as, and then an adverb in the main clause 
removes any doubt as to the time-relation of the two clauses : 
Psalm ^ 113.3 Swa heo see geseah, he hio sniome fleah. 

Note 2. In OHG. so sometimes indicates this relation of 
the clauses to one another, thus: Tatian 81.4 Inti so sie tho 
gistigun in skef, bilan ther uuint 

11. onan • • . swa. 

This form is found twice in Wulf. Onan or anan, 
as it is spelled once, is equivalent in meaning to sona, 
and these clauses closely resemble the sona . . . swa 
form. 

They bear out the theory that sona swa arose from 
the modal sentence; and here, though the temporal 
clause has the same force that a sona swa clause would 
have, the modal nature of swa is still felt to some 
degree. The two examples are practically identical, 
and therefore I shall quote only one : Wulf. 16. 14 ser 
flam timan nsBS eefre eenig mann on worulde swa maere, 
I>8Bt he on an ne sceolde to helle, swa he forflfaren 
w»s. Cf. Wulf. 110. 11. 

Ij. SfiBrrihte swa. 

This connective occurs only once. As in the case 
of onan . . . swa clauses, the Scerrihte is equivalent to 
sona. The purpose of using the adverb seems to be 
to emphasize the fact that the action of one clause 
directly follows that of the other, which fact is not 
connoted by the simple swa. iEH. 2. 80. 3 and hi 8a 
mid langsumere elcunge heora mede underfengon, pa 
8e we buton elcunge, pcerrihte swa we of urum lichaman 
gewitafl, underfofl. 

2 a. swa (h)ra8e swa. 

This connective is almost peculiar to the works 
of iElfiric, though it also occurs twice in Chron., and 

> Grein's Bibliothek. 



70 Chapter I 

once in each of the following: O., Lch., Wulf., and 
Ap. T. 

In origin it doubtless arose from the comparative 
sentence, unlike sona swa, which seems to have deve- 
loped from the modal use of stva. This example shows 
that stoa rafe swa had not become altogether a closed 
compound, even in the historical period of OE: O. 
166. 6 him peer becom swa feBrlic j^el paet pa men wseron 
swa rafe deade, stea hit him an becom. In this example 
the comparative idea is still plain. 

Very often a correlative atva is found at the head 
of the main clause, thus : ^EH. 1. 584. 21 and swa hrafe 
swa hi pflBt mod hreppaS, swa gewit se goda willa. 
In one instance swa hrafe is so repeated, thus empha- 
sizing the comparative thought: LS. 1. 18. 126 and 
swa hrafe swa heo gehyrS psere burga naman pe heo 
8Br cu8e, swa hrafe heo meeg pa burh on hire gepohte 
gescyppan hwylc heo biS. Once fonne is found at 
the head of the main clause : LS. 2. 178. 169 Ac swa 
hrafe swa hi ge-sawon his scinendan neb-wlite . . . , 
ponne ledon pa hseSenan heora w»pna adune. This 
may be due to the fact that the writer forgot that he 
began with a swa hra9e swa clause, and finished the 
sentence as though it were a 9onne clause. Still the 
use of a demonstrative 9a or 9onne in such a position 
is so common that it need excite no surprise. Occasi- 
onally 9a is found so used : LS. 2. S30. 286 ac swa 
hra9e swa he geseah pass sanctes lichaman, pa awedde 
he sona ; iEH. 1. 200. 7 and he wees halig pcerrihte 
swa hra9e swa he mann waes. 

Note 1. This connective seems to have persisted into 
Middle English and it can be found in Brut 2. 640. 10 and 
he cumen after wolde swa raSe swa he mihte ; Brut 3. 17. 10 
So rathe so hii mihten, vt of sipe hii rehten. But rathe is 
used only as an adverb in Chaucer and Langland. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 71 

2b. Bwa . . . raSost. 

This connective is rare, only seven instances of it 
having been noted in the prose. In structure it is 
closely analogous to swa oftost and su?a lengost (q. v.). 

The verb is always some form of mugan, and the 
subject is always placed between the two parts of the 
connective, and nothing else ever is. I quote examples 
to illustrate: Chron. 94. 1 pa for Eadweard cyning 
cefter, swa he rafost mehte ; LS. 1. 536. 794 and ic bidde 
pinne prymfuUan cynescype, paet pu to us cume swa 
pu rapost maege; Wulf. 39. 8 and aefre swa pset cild 
rafost eenig ding specan m»ge, taBce man him sona 
ealra pinga serest pater noster and credan. 

Note 1. So far as I can discover from Grein's Sprach- 
schatz, swa . . . rafost occurs only once in the poetry : Guth.^ 
1082 Aras da earla wynn heard hygesnottor, swa he hrafost 
meahte. 

Note 2. With swa . . . raSost may be compared the Greek 
wg tdxana^ and the Latin quam celerrime, 

8. swa 8Br swa. 

I have noted only two examples with this connective. 
Its meaning is perfectly clear, and it seems to have 
originated in a comparative force, which, indeed, it 
never loses. JKr alone never means soon^ but is com- 
parative in its very nature. So swa tells how much 
before^ and the second swa is the correlative of the 
comparison. It is an easy step from this to the 
meaning as soon as. 1 quote both examples : BH. 248. 
25 him geheht, swa cer swa heo gepungenne mon 7 
hades wyrSne metan meahton, pset heo hine woldon 
to biscope gehalgian 7 hider onsendan ; LS. 1. 358. 317 
Nytenu eetaS swa asr swa hi hit habbaO. I have not 
found parallels either in the poetry or in Middle English. 

^ Grein's Bibliothek 



72 Chapter I 

4. Son 8Br 8e. 

The meaning of this connective is not at all clear. 
Wtilfing^ assigns both examples to his sixth class, 
'Nebensatze zur Angabe des Nachfolgens nach der 
Handlung des iibergeordneten Satzes'; but the trans- 
lation as soon as suits the context much better in both 
cases. 

Bo. 25. 18 Ac ic eow maege mid feawum wordum 
gereccan hweet se hrof is ealra gesseWa, wi8 pas ic wat 
pu wilt higian pon cer pe 8u hine ongitest. In his 
glossary, Sedgefield assigns the meaning as soon as ever 
to fon cer 9e, but in his translation renders the passage 
thus: 'towards which I know that thou, O Mind, wilt 
hasten before even thou perceivest it.' Cardale trans- 
lates: 'for which I know thou wilt strive until thou 
obtainest it'.' In a note on the passage, however, 
he suggests that fon cer 9e is put for cer 9on 9e. Bos- 
worth-ToUer give as soon as for the meaning of 9on 
cer 9ej as does Sweet in his Student's Dictionary. 

Professor Frank H. Chase, Ph.D., accepts this me- 
aning in his thesis', and proposes the following ex- 
planation : 9on (dative (!) of degree of difference) = 
by how much, so literally the sooner, and, by an easy 
change, as soon as. The sense required makes as 
soon as the evident meaning, but Dr. Chaise's ex- 
planation seems hardly satisfactory, though I am unable 
to offer a better one. His analysis would suggest 
rather the meaning before, which he is combating. 
I>on ma 9e is a close parallel, so far as form goes, and 
that means any more than. 

Any analysis leads us to expect the meaning be- 
fore, which the context requires us to reject. It may 
be that in an earlier period of the language this con- 
nective was in more frequent use, and had the meaning 

* 2. Ii6. « 51. 28. • Unpublished, Yale Library. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 73 

heforey but for some reason came to mean as soon as, 
perhaps through the analogy of 9on ma 9e, which is 
frequently used in a negative clause, and means not 
any more than. If 9on cer 9e were employed in a ne- 
gative sentence, it would mean not any earlier than, 
and from this the change to as soon as is easy. 

The other example follows: CP. 331. 3 Du cuist nu 
88Bt wille geswican fon, cer 9e 8u genoh haebbe. This 
Sweet translates: 'Thou say est now, that thou wilt 
cease, before thou hast enough.' I agree with Dr. 
Chase in saying that this makes nonsense of the 
passage ; the context clearly demands as soon as, which 
Sweet gives in his Dictionary, as has been said. 
The Cotton. MS. has fonne, cer pe. This form occurs 
in Bo., and has been assigned to the class indicating 
timewhen.^ This, however, would bear the translation 
as soon as, for it seems to me as though the writer 
had forgot the construction with which he began. In 
conclusion, then, we must accept as soon as for the 
meaning, but a satisfactory explanation is still to seek. 

Note 1. With this construction should be compared OS. 
than mer the and than langa the. The first is similar to the 
Latin eo magis quo and OE. Hon ma <fe, and the second 
equal to the German so lange als. I quote examples: 
Heliand 1395 than mer the thiu burg ni mag, thiu an berge 
stad, hoh holm-klibu, biholan werdan, wrislik giwerk, ni 
mugun iuwa ward than mer an thesaro middil-gard mannun 
werSan . . . ; Heliand 868 Thar was thes mareon stol an 
er-dagun, aSal-kiminges, Davides thes godon, than langa the 
he thana druht-skepi thar, erl undar Ebreon, egan mosta, 
haldan hoh-gisetu. 

5 a. swa ricene swa« 

I have noted only one example of this connective, 
which is in structure and meaning similar to stva hrafe 

* p. SI. 



74 Chapter I 

8wa. It will be noted that it occurs in the writings 
of -^Ifiric, who is especially fond of the latter connec- 
tive : MH. 1 . 86. 34 Swa ricene swa ic gewite, ofsleaS 
ealle das ludeiscan ealdras. 

5 b. Bwa radlice swa. 

Chron. 358. 16 Ne pince man na sellice {) we so8 
seggen, for hit wsbs ful cu8 ofer eall land {) swa radlice 
swa he pser com f) wees pes SunendsBies f> man singad 
Exurge quare O. D. This is the only example of this 
connective I have noted. 

5 c. Bwa BwiSe swa. 

I can hardly consider the temporal notion in this 
sentence to be the primary one, yet Morris translates : 
'Verily as quickly as/ &c. I should rather translate 
according as : BIH. 186. 6 Witodlice swa swipe swa he 
wenep sylf pset he sceole to heofenum ahafen weorpan, 
swa swipe he bip bedyped on pa neopemestan helle 
witu. 

6 a. sona Hs&s 8e. 

For a discussion of fees fe, which means afterf the 
reader is directed to the proper paragraphs of Section 
IV. ^ The general matters there considered need not 
be treated here. 

As has been the case with so many of the particles 
belonging to this section, this connective means after^ 
with an adverb prefixed to make clear the fact of 
immediate sequence. Thirty-three of the thirty-nine 
examples with this connective occur in BH. Of the 
remaining six, two are in Chron., one in Cart., two 
in Guth., and one in Epis. 

Occasionally fa, 9onne, sona, or swa appears as a 
correlative in the main clause. I quote examples to 

* p. no. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 75 

illustrate these points : Chron. 176. 6 sona pcBS pe pis 
W8BS, pa forlet se cyng pa hlaefdian ; BH. 826. 22 forSon 
sona pees pe heo onweg eodon, . . . ponne toslupon 
8a bendas 7 tolesde weeron ; BH. 394. 1 Sona pees 9e 
se biscop orationem ofer me ar»dde 7 me geblaetsode 
7 gessBgnode 7 utgongende wabs, sona ic wees, &c. ; 
Epis. 148. 249 and sona pees 9e hie inne w»ron, swa 
wflBron pa nicoras gearwe. I have noted no parallels 
either in the poetry or in other Germanic dialects. 

6 b. Bona . . . Baas 8e. 

The two examples with this form of the connective 
likewise appear in BH. I quote both : BH. 200. 2 Ic 
wat sona, cwcbA he, pees pe ge in scip astigaS, pcBt ofer 
eow cyme8 micel storm 7 hreonis ; BH. 418. 22 Sona 
paem erestan tidum, pees 8a lareowas cuomon in Fres- 
ena land, ... pa wolde he hredlice to Rome cuman. 
MSS. B., O., and Ca. have pees pe. 

6 c. sona aarest 88bb 8e. 

The one example of this kind also occurs in BH., 
as do most of the sona 9ees 9e class : BH. 200. 9 Ond 
sona eerestj pees pe heo in scip eodon, 7 ut leton, paette 
astigon wi8orwearde windas. 

6d. sona from frnman 88bs 8e. 

Perhaps this example throws light on the question 
of the origin of the temporal use of 9ces 9e. I have 
noted only one of the kind : Guth. 26. 10 On pam 
sea8e ufan se eadiga wer Gu81ac him hus getimbrode, 
sona from fruman pees pe he paBt ancer-setl gessBt. 

6 6. sona 88bb. 

Only two examples of sona 9ees have been noted. 
Since the relative is sometimes dropped in such con- 
nectives as 9a hwile 9e and cefter 9am 9e^ it need not 



76 Chapter I 

surprise us that such is the case here : Chron. 199. 25 
Bona pass hi fere weeron, worhton castel eet Hsestinga 
port : Epis. 158. 499 And pa sona pcBs pa elpendas da 
swin gesawon, pa waBron hie afyrhte. 

6f. Baas 8e . . . sona instepe. 

BH. 402. 38 Da wabs geworden, pees fe he on minre 
ondwlitan bleow, 8a sona instepe gefelde ic mec batiende 
7 werpende. 

7. sona hraSe Baas 8e. 

This one example offers, as it were, an easy tran- 
sition to the next class, that of the hrafe fees 9e type : 
BH. 98. 7 Ah he sona hrafe, pees pe he biscop geworden 
W8BS, paette he gefremede paBt weorc paet he longe 
wilnade. 

8 a. hraSe Baas 8e. 

As we found sona fees fe to occur almost exclusively 
in BH., so hrafe foes te is confined to O., only two 
examples occuring elsewhere, and these in Chron. 
I quote examples : Chron. 228. 4 Ac hraife p(BS pe he 
ham com, he his fyrde ge gaderode ; O. 160. 8 raife 
pas pe hie togaedere coman, Romane haefdon sige. 

8b. raSe . . . 8aB8 8e. 

Four instances of the divided form occur, two in 
O., one in BH., and one in BIH. Examples follow: 
O. 246. 4 hiene raife gefliemde p(BS pe hie togaedere 
comon ; BIH. 27. 21 Men pa leofestan, cup is paette 
hrape Drihten, pees pe he of pam fulwihtes baape eode, 
pa faestte he sona. 

Note 1. I find ra9e . . . 9ces Se once in the poetry: 
Chron. 188. 22 he swa rafe his lif geendade pas pe he to 
Engla lande com. 

8 c. raSe Baas . . . 8e. 

O. 168. 26 hie raife poes forbaemnan het pe he to 
lande gefor. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 77 

8d. forraSe SaBS 8e. 

Cart. 2. 315. 16 JESelstan cyng gefreode Eadelm 
forrafe pass 9e he serest cyng wees. 

8e. BwiSe hraSe Baas 8e. 

The one example which I have noted with this 
strengthened form of the connective is as follows : 
Bo. 183. 23 sume hi bereafaS hiora welan swife hrafe, 
pass pe hi eerest geseelige weor8a8. 

8f. instepes Baas 8e. 

BIH. 35. 5 HwflBt, we gehyrdon peet pcBt fasten pyses 
feowertiges daga ongunnen wees instepes pees pe he of 
p8Bm fulwihte astag. 

9 a. hrsddlice siSSan. 

In a considerable number of cases, an adverb is em- 
ployed, either in immediate conjunction with the par- 
ticle or in the main clause, to render specific the fact 
of the immediate sequence of the action of one clause 
on that of the other, when the particle itself does not 
imply this. Such a phenomenon we have in hrced- 
lice siffan, and in the other particles of this subdivision. 

These require no discussion, but it has been my 
principle to assign no example to this class without 
some clear indication of immediate sequence in the 
sentence itself, and I therefore think it fitting to in- 
dicate the reason in each case. 

i£H. 2. 136. 22 and he hrcedlice sifflfan he munuc 
wees wear8 geset cumena 8en. 

9b. siSSan . . . raSe. 

O. 178. 2 Ac sippan Metellus pa elpendas ofercom, 
sippan he haefde eac raife pset oper folc gefliemed. 

9 c. Bona . . . siSSan. 

JE. Asm. 14. 36 Ac hi sona geswicon paBS sincipes 
aefre, syppan hi Cristes leare geleomodon set him; 



78 ChapUr I 

Hex. 56. 8 and eode him sona aweg, syfffon he 8iss 
gehyrde. The following example is identical with 
those just quoted, save that the relative position of 
the clauses is reversed : Guth. 36. 6 Nses pa nssnig 
yldend to pam peet syifan hi on psBt hus comon, hi 
J)a Bona pone halgan wer eallum limum gebundon. 

9d. sona siSSan. 

This combination occurs twice, once in BH. and 
once in BIH. I quote both examples: BH. 182. 4 
Forpon sona sippan pa cerendwrecan ham cerdon, pe 
his cwale CBrendodon, pa gebeon Rsedwald his fyrd; 
BIH; HI. 29 & se man nsefre to8on leof ne bi8 his 
nehmagum & his worldfreondum, ne heora nan hine 
to p8BS swipe ne lufa8 pset he sona syppan ne sy 
onscungend, seoppan se lichoma & se gast gedaelde 
bepp. 

9e. swiSe hraSe siSSan. 

I have noted this combination only once, thus: 
CP. 465. 22 ac ic ongeat swife hraife, siffan 8u me 
forlete, hu untrum ic wabs. 

9f. Bona mid Sam 8e. 

One instance of this connective has been noted: 
LS. 1. 480. 151 and he wear8 hal sona mid pant pe he 
clypode cristes naman him to fultume. 

9g. Bona . . . mid Sam 8e. 

In three of the examples I have included under this 
head, the temporal clause precedes its main clause, thus : 
O. 274. 3 sona gedyde sweotol tacn p8Bt he Philippus 
eer besierede, mid pcem pe he het cristenra monna 
ehtan ; Dial, 46. 27 mid pam pe se Godes wer Con- 
stantius pa pis gehyrde, he sona swi8e bliSe forlet pa 
leohtfatu. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 79 

9h. mid Sam 8e . . . hrsddlice. 

This occurs only once : Dial. 142. 10 pa mid pam pe 
he pa flaxan onhyllde, pa eode paer ut hrceddlice an 
nseddre. 

91. mid Sam 8e , • . faaringa. 

Guth. 14. 15 pa gelamp sume nihte mid pam pe 
he com of farendum wege, ... pa wsbs he fceringa 
mid Godes ege onbryrd. 

9j. faarlice, mid Sam Se. 

iEH. 1. 430. 31 pa fcerlice, mid 9am 9e he geseet, 
comon Sees caseres cempan, and hine gelaehton. 

9 k. Bona mid San Se. 

BIH. 199. 20 Ba sona mid pan pe se strael on flyge 
W8BS, pa com swiSe mycel windes bleed foran ongean, 
pset seo strsel instepe wearS eft gecyrred. 

9L Bona mid Sy Se. 

Only one example has been noted, though there 
are several in which sona appears in the main clause : 
BH. 186. 13 Sona mid py pe seo feemne mid psere 
cyste, pe heo beer, geneolecte psem cafertune pees 
huses, pa gewiton ealle pa wergan gastas onweg. 

9m. mid Sy Se . . . Bona. 

Mid 9y 9e most often means when, but frequently 
the action of one clause follows that of the other. 
In these examples sona is used in the main clause 
to make clear the fact of immediate sequence : Dial. 
197. 9 mid py pe pcet pus geworden wees bodod pam 
wsBlhreowestan cyninge, pa sona wsbs his paet re8e 
mod gecyrred to mycelre arwurSnesse pees biscopes; 
BIH. 139. 21 & mid py pe heo pis gecweden [hafde, 
pa] com peer sona eadega « . . 



80 Chapter I 

9xL mid 8y 8e . . . hraSe. 

Three of the four examples occur in BIH., the other 
in Dial. : Dial. 142. 11 mid py pe he pa ilascan gehylde, 
pa wses p8Br hrafe sumu n»dre ut gangende ; BIH. 245. 14 
mid pi pe he paet gehyrde, hrape he pa aras gesund. 

9o. mid 8y 8e . . . aemninga. 

The two examples of this connective occur in BIH. 
Since they are practically identical, I quote only one: 
BIH. 147. 80 pa mid py pe he pis gecweden haefde ure 
Drihten, pa cleopode semninga peere eadigan Marian 
lichoma beforan him eallum & wses cwepende . . . 

9p. mid 8y 8e . . . faaringa. 

Only one example has been noted: Ap. T. 15. 4 
Mid py 9e se cyning pas word gecwced, pa fceringa 
par eode in Ssbs cynges iunge dohtor. 

9q. Bona aafter 8am 8e. 

Chron. 281. 10 Ba sona (efter pam pe se cyng wabs 
su8 afaren, feorde se eorl anre nihte ut of Bebba 
burh towardes Tine mu8an. 

9r. sona aafter 8on 8e. 

BIH. 121. 6 Swa we leomiap pcBt sona cefter pon pe 
Drihten on heofenas astag . . . , pa wsbs cefter pon psBt 
hie pysne middangeard on twelf tanum tohluton. 

98. swi8e hra8e aafter 8on 8e. 

Dial. 297. 14 pa swife hraife cefter pon pe he swa aras, 
hefiendre peere adle he wear8 forSfered. 

9t. aafter 8on 8e . • . sona. 

In the following example, cefter 9on 9a is probably 
for cefter 9on 9e, since the other MSS. have this 
reading : BH. 126. 19 JSfter pon pa ^EpelfriS se cyning 
hine peer geahsode paBt he mid Rsedwold pone cyning 
W8BS, pa sende he sona eerendwrecan to him. One 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 81 

other example has been noted, thus : Dial. 260. 16 ac 
isfter pon pe he gefeoU hider on pis woruldlice wr»ce, 
he gewat sona fram pam leohte 7 wisdomes his modes. 

9a. naht longe aafter 8am, 

In this example, immediate sequence is indicated 
by denying the contrary : Mart. 1 10, 3 8a sefter seofen 
gearum se bysceop forSferde naht longe cejier 9am he 
hsefde msBssan gesungen »t psBra apostola tyde. Aside 
from this difference, it is similar to those we have been 
considering. 

9v. Bona 8a. 

As is true of Modem English when^ OE. ^a, denoting 
time when^ frequently introduced a clause the action 
of which preceded that of the main clause. In sona 
9a the office of sona is to make clear the fact that 
the action of the one clause follows that of the other 
directly. Sona 9a^ then, differs from the others we have 
been considering only in this, namely, that the priority 
of the action of the temporal clause is not necessarily 
implied in the connective, as it is in si99an and oefter 
9am 9e^ &c. 

Three of the five examples I have noted occur in 
Dial. I quote one of these, and the other two : Dial. 
31. 8 sona pa se halga feeder wees inn agan on pone 
wyrttun, pa ongan se deofol ... of hire mu8e clypian ; 
LS. 2. 252. 522 Tetradius 8a sona pa he paet geseah, 
gelyfde on ume drihten; BIH. 177. 33 pa sona pa 
pflBt gewit arffided wabs, pa cw»p Neron. This Morris 
translates ^as soon as the letter was read, then said 
Nero.' 

10. n»B 8a nsdnig hwil to 8an sona swa. 

We find three instances of this curious combination 
in Guth. It is due probably to a confusion of con- 



82 Chapter I 

structions ; but the first element is unkown else- 
where in OE., except as we find it in this sentence: 
Epis. 146. 180 Ba ncBs long to pon in pssm westenne 
pffit we to sumre ea cwoman. Guth. 64. 23 presents 
an intermediate stage: Swylce nces eac ncenig hml 
to pam 8ona comon peer pry men to psere hy8e and 
peer tacn slogon. 

The three examples follow: Guth. 54. 16 Nces pa 
ncenig htvil to pan, sona swa hi ut of pam inne eodon, 
pa gesegon hi pone hrsefn mid pan sweartan nebbe 
pa glofe teran uppe on anes huses paece ; Guth. 60. 1 6 
N<B8 pa pamig htvil to pan sona swa he w»s mid pam 
gyrdele begyrd, eal seo uncleennys fram him gewat; 
Guth. 68. 19 Nais pa namig htvil to pon sona stva he 
mid pan hrsegle swa miccles weres gegyred wsbs, pa 
ne mihte paet pset sar aberan. 

The writer of Guth. is fond of negative expressions 
of this kind. 

C. CLAUSES DENOTING DURATION. 

la. 8a hwile 8e. 

This is the connective used most often, by far, to 
introduce a clause indicating the duration of an action. 
It is not necessary that the activity predicated in the 
main clause should correspond in point of extension 
to the space of time indicated by the 9a hwile 9e 
clause. Sometimes we have a momentary activity 
expressed in the main clause. Ba hwile is the accu- 
sative singular of seo htvil, used to indicate extent of 
time; 9e is, of course, the relative particle. The 
particle, then, is equivalent to Middle English the 
while thatj which has been replaced in Modem English 
by while^ though the form with the article is still 
sometimes met with in poetry. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 83 

I have noted one example in which the relative is 
separated from its antecedent : O. 212. 26 Ic nat (eac), 
cwaeO he, hu nyt ic pa hunle beo pe ic pas word 
sprece. The use of lengest ^ in the following example 
really makes the clause equivalent to as long as^ and 
makes clear the equal duration of the activities of the 
two clauses : Chron. 85. 22 pa besaet sio fierd hie paer 
utan pa hwile pe hie paer lengest mete haefdon. 

The plural htcUa seems to be used in this example : 
Chron. 149. 80 7 he his rice heardlice waerode pa 
hwila pe his tima waes. Or hwila is a careless writing 
for hmle. So da is probably for 9e in these examples : 
Lch. 2. 120. 15 drince pa hwile pa he purfe ; Lch. 2. 
388. 20 bepe hine mid pisse bepinge pa hwile pa he 
maege araefnan. I have also noted three instances of 
9e hwile fe^ two in CP. and one in Lch. 3, which are 
probably due to the carelessness of the scribe. For 
the examples from CP., the Cotton. MS. has 9a hwile 
9e in both cases: CP. 159. 4 forSsemSe we ealle, 9e 
hwile 9e we libbaS on Oissum deadlican flaesc, Caere 
tidemesse & Caere hnescnesse ures flaesces we beo8 
underOidde ; CP. 247. 15 Eac sint to manianne 8a 
halan Saet hie Code wilnigen to licianne 9e hwile 9e 
hie maegen ; Lch. 3. 122. 6 ne cume he on nane cyle 
9e hunle pe he seoc beo. 

I have noted two cases in which hwile is modified : 
O. 20. 26 ealle pa hwile pe paet lie biO inne, paer sceal 
beon gedrync 7 plega; PPs. 48. 18 ForOam he nyste 
him naenne pane, ne Gk)de ne mannum, paes pe he 
him sealde, sy88an he hit haefde; butan pa ane hwile 
pe hit him man sealde. The Latin is : et confitebimur 
tibi dum benefeceris ei. A hmke 9<b occurs once: 
Cart. 2. 410. 39 And a hwilce 9ce cristendom sie, frillicae 
mid hira godcundnessae for me sien. . . . Latin: Et 

^ Of. rwa . . . Ungost, p. 91. 
g 2 



84 Chapter I 

quamdiu cristianitas permanserit. Per hwyle 9e like- 
wise appears only once : Cart. 3. 216. 2 And ic an pat 
Athelfled bnike pe lond per hwyle pe hire lef beth. 

In this example, 9a hwile is repeated at the head of 
the main clause : i£H. 1. 10. 35 and pa hwile pe he 
smeade hu he mihte daelan rice wi8 Gk)d, pa hwile 
gearcode se iElmihtiga Scyppend him and his geferum 
helle wite. I quote one example to illustrate the 
normal use of the connective : Bo. 23. 14 Eall hie us 
pyncaO py leohtran 9a hwile pe pa oncras faeste bio8. 

The use of 9a hwile 9e with mugan and motan is so 
frequent in Wulf. that it might almost be considered 
a peculiarity of the style. I quote two examples from 
the same page chosen at random : Wulf. 150. 9 uton 
andettan ure synna l}e hwile ^ pe we magon and moton ; 
Wulf. 160. 16 helpe gehwa his sylfes geome pa hwile 
pe he mage and mote. 

Note 1. £>a hwik 9e seems to be rare in the poetry. 
I quote examples: Byrhtnoth's Tod^ 14 he haefde god ge- 
panCi }>a hwik pe he mid handum healdan mihte bord and 
brad swurd; Byrhtnoth's Tod 272 aefre embe stunde he 
sealde sume wunde, pa hwik 9e he waepna weoldan moste. 

Note 2. In Layamon's Brut 9a hwik 9e is found, but the 
later version usually has 9e wik 9oeU Examples follow: 
Brut 1. 95. 9 pa hwik pe ic libbe, o9er nuUe ic habben ; later 
text : pe wik pat ich libbe ot)er nele ich habbe. I have found 
whyl that in Chaucer, but have not noted it with the article : 
Chaucer's Prologue 397 Ful many a draughte of W3m had 
he y-drawe From Burdeux-ward, whyl that the chapman 
sleep. 

Note 3. I have not found the hwik that in Modem Eng- 
lish, though the whik is found in both Scott and Tennyson. 

Note 4. Closely parallel to OE. 9a hwik de is Middle 
High German die wik daz\ Der Nibelunge Not 1. 392.2368 
Ja han ich des geswom, daz ich den hort iht zeige die wik 
daz si leben. 

^ Grein's Bibliothek. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 85 

lb. 8a hwile. 

The form without the relative is of rare occurrence, 
so much so that its existence has been questioned. 
Wtilfing^ says that 'Max F5rster behauptet in seiner 
Besprechung von Bearders Arbeit tiber die alt- 
schottischen Pr^positionen (Anglia 18 (N. F. 6), Bei- 
blatt S. 135) : 'Nicht pa hwile allein, wie auf S. 87 an- 
gegeben ist, sondem pa hwile pe wurde in Ae. als 
Konjunktion gebrancht.' Das ist, wie dies Beispiel 
zeigt, nicht richtig; neben pa hwile pe kommt auch 
pa hwile allein vor.' 

To the two examples which Wiilfing finds in Alfred*s 
works, I have added five examples from other texts. 
Besides these, fa hwile occurs a considerable number 
of times in the Northumbrian Gospels, not always 
equivalent to Latin dum, but sometimes translating 
usque; though for this we usually find wif 9a hwile. 
For particulars the reader is referred to Cook*s 
Glossary '. 

Miller has pendcem for 9a hwile in the example on 
which Wtilfing makes his note. Ba hwile is the reading 
of Ms. Ca., which Smith followed : Smith's ed. BH. 
587. 19 sepe aer pa hwile he Sis hwilendlice rice haefde, 
ma he gewunode p he ... . The corresponding 
passage in Miller's ed. is 188. 4. 

I quote examples freely, since the particle is rare, 
though it is not unusual to find the relative lacking 
in similar connectives : Sol. 47. 14 forSam pu naefre 
paet ne myhte pa hunle pu byst on 8am peostrum 
pinra sinna ; Lch. 8. 122. 18 do pus 9e htoyle hym 8earf 
sy. The last example is in a late text, and 9a fre- 
quently becomes 9e in such. Lch. 3. 2. 6 last reocan 
in pa eagan pa hwile hy hate synd ; Mart. 208. 2 nu 

^ 2.' no, note. 

* A Glossary of the Old Northumbrian Gospels, Halle 1894. 



86 Chapter I 

a butan ende geshyO ume dryhten, pass wyllan heo 
aer ftemede pa hwyle heo on lyfe wunode on hyre 
lichoman. 

I have not found any instances of 9a hwile in the 
poetry. 

Note 1. In Middle English we find the wile, as in this 
example : Piers Plowman B. 10. 145 Youre man shal I worthe, 
As longe as I lyve bothe late and rathe, Forte worche youre 
wille, the wile my lyf dureth. 

Note 2. It is only rarely that the article is used with 
while in Modem English ; and when it is found, it its usually 
in poetry. I quote an illustration from Scott: Lord of the 
Isles 6.15 Right on De Baune, the whiles he passed, Fell 
that stem dint 

Note 3. In Middle High German we find both die wile 
daz and cUe wile alone. The latter gives the Modem German 
diewetl, which has passed very largely over into causal use. 
An example from Middle High German follows: Der Nibe- 
lunge Not 1. 134.816 so mOhten im diu riche wol wesen 
undertan : die wile lebet Gunther, so kundez nimmer eigan. 

Ic. 8a hwile Saat. 

I have noted only three examples with this connective, 
two of them being in an entry of the Chron. for the 
year 1123. The use of ifcet for 9e became universal 
in the Middle English period, so it is not surprising 
to find it appearing so late in the OE. epoch. 

I quote the three cases : Chron. 262. 34 Ba hwile f 
se aercet waes ut of lande geaf se kyng 8one biscop 
rice of Ba8e pes cwenes canceler GodefreiS waes ge 
haten; Chron. 253. i 7 pa hwile p he paer waes pa 
geaf he pone biscop rice of Lincolne an clerc 
Alexander waes ge haten ; Cart. 2. 453. 28 f> 8is min 
wille and gifte and of 8is writ fastnynge ungewenmed 
beo and ungewered and ungewendelich 9e hwile f 
Cristendom durep in 8is gelonde Englisckan. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 87 

Note 1. Pe wile pat occurs in the later text of the Brut 
of Layamon, though the earlier more often has 9a hwile lfe\ 
Brut 1. 96. 9 }>e wile pat ich libbe d^ei nele ich habbe ; 
Brut 1. 268. 6 and he heolde god gn^^ pe wile pat laste his lif. 

Id. on Saare hwile 0e. 

This prepositional form of the particle occurs only 
twice, both instances being in O. I quote the two 
in full : O. 130. 9 on tcere hwile pe he paer winnende 
waes, frefelice hiene gesohte Minotho, seo Scippisce 
cwen; O. 170. 12 On pcere hwile pe he pone unraed 
purhteah, Amicor, Pena cyning, waes mid sibbe wi8 
his farende mid eallum his folce. 

le. wile. 

This almost Modem English form of the connective 
appears twice in the Chron., the first in the entry 
for the year 1187, the second in that for 1140. Both 
examples follow • Chron. 264. 26 I ne can ne i ne mai 
tellen alle pe wunder ne alle pe pines 8 hi diden 
wrecce men on pis land. 7 8 lastede pa XIX wintre 
unle Stephne was king 7 aeure it was uuerse 7 uuerse ; 
Chron. 268. 10 oc ferden pe aercet 7 te wise men 
betwux heom 7 makede 8 sahte 8 te king sculde ben 
lauerd 7 king wile he liuede. 

The language is no longer OE. We feel that we 
have reached the end of a period in the history of 
the race. I know of no piece of literature so full 
of suggestion and interest to the student of history 
or of language as the last entries of the OE. Chron. 

2. 8a Srage 8e. 

Brag is in meaning about the same as hwil, and 
their uses are largely parallel. I have noted only 
one instance of 9a 9rage fe, which is, of course, 
exactly parallel to 9a hwile 9e, 



88 Chapter 1 

I quote the example: Lch. 2. 284. 14 Sume bee 
laeraS wi8 paere healfdeadan adle |) man pintreow 
baeme to gledum 7 ponne pa gleda sette toforan pam 
seocum men, 7 p he ponne ontyndum eagum 7 opene 
mupe pane rec swelge pa prage pe he maege. 

S. 8a lange 8e. 

I have found but one example of this connective. 
I do not know that lang is elsewhere used as a sub- 
stantive, and probably this isolated case is due to the 
dropping out of some noun, such as first or hwiL Or 
the form may be due to a sort of confusion between 
9a htvile fe and swa lange swa. The example follows : 
Lch. 8. 114. 18 7 do pus pa lange pe hit bepurfe. 

4. Bwylce hwile swa. 

Though this seems a perfectly natural form for a 
connective meaning whiles I have observed only one 
instance of its use. In a sense it represents a sort of 
transition from ffa htvile fe to swa lange swa. The 
former comes from an adverbial use denoting duration 
of time; the latter is clearly comparative in origin; 
this partakes of the nature of both, and is therefore 
an interesting case. I quote the example: Lch. 8. 112. 
17 do hym panne hnesce mettas 7 godne drincan eal 
swa hit beforen sei8, swylce hwile swa hym hit bepurfe. 

5. 8wa nuBnige dagas swa. 

I quote the only case of this construction I have 
noted : LS. 2. 26. 892 and swa mcenige dagas swa ic aer 
paere [rode] symbelnysse on paere ceastre wunode mid 
[gelicum] fulUcum weorcum me gemae[n]gde. 

6a. 8wa lange swa. 

Though this conjunction is not of frequent occur- 
rence, it is about evenly distributed throughout the 
whole OE. period. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 89 

In origin the construction is comparative; and its 
temporal character is incidental, as it were, though 
in the historical period of the language that idea is 
the chief one. 

This class of clauses seems to have escaped WUlfing*s 
notice, though there are numerous examples in the 
works of Alfred. 

I have noted the spelling awe longe awe in OET. 
Vesp. Psalms 145. 1 ic hergu dryhten in life minum, 
singu gode minum swe longe swe ic biom. 

The Middle English form is so longe so, which I find 
first in Cart. 3. 217. 27 And Wlmer prest singe perat 
and his beamtem so longe so he pen to pen hode. 
The spelling swce occurs in this example : BH. 436. 2 
hiene in 8aem streame saencte 7 defde, stva longe swce 
he gesegen waes pset he araefnan meahte. I have 
noted only one case in which the substantive occurs 
with lange : Mk. 2. 19 ne magon hi faestan swa lange 
tide swa hi 8one brydguman mid him habbaS. 

The apparent optative in this example is probably 
due to the weakening of the ending, as it occurs in 
a late text, and as there is no reason for the optative : 
JE, Asm. 86. 181 peo boc us saeO swutellice be pam 
folce, p heo on sibbe wunedon swa lange swa heo 
wurfoden pone heofenlice god on his bigengum geome. 
The following example will illustrate the normal use 
of the connective : Mart. 214. 13 ond hig slepon daeg 
ond niht swa lange swa hig on pam huse waeron. 

In M. 25.40 swa lange swa has the logical force of 
inasmuch as^ which stands in our modem versions: 
M. 25. 40 Donne 7 swarafl se cyning hym 7 cwyp to 
heom: Sop ic eow secge, swa lange swa ge dydon 
anum 8ysum minum laestum gebroSorum, swa lange 
ge hyt dydon me. This is evidently due to the Latin, 
for nowhere else in OE., save in quotations of this 



90 Chapter 1 

passage and the similar verse M. 25. 46, has 9wa lange 
stoa this meaning. The Latin is: et respondens rex, 
dicet illis: amen dico vobis, quamdiu fecistis uni ex 
his fratribus meis minimis, mihi fecistis. This does 
not go back to the Greek, which runs thus: Kal 
dnox^eig o fiaadeifg iQ€t avrolg Ufirpf kifw dfuv ig>' oaov 
ivoivfiaxB hi xovrwv tav diahpHnf fiov rw iXa%Unwv^ ifioi 
BnoiffiaxB, Following the Greek, the Gothic has : Amen 
qil>a izuis, jah panel tawideduf) ainamma I>ize min- 
nistane broI>re mainaize, mis tawidedu{>. WyclifFe has 
as long as; but in as moche as, which is the reading 
of all subsequent versions down to the American 
Revised, appears first in Tyndale's version. 

It as an easy step from as long as^ in its temporal 
meaning, to the meaning inasmuch as, and we very 
often hear it so used in colloquial speech. The 
merchant, anxious to dispose of his wares, wishing 
to give the notion that he is influenced by good will, 
will say to a prospective purchaser: as long as it is 
you, &c. 

However, in OE. swa lange swa always has its literal 
meaning, save in this one instance. Cf. M. 25. 45 ; 
iEH. 2. 108. 15, 28 ; BIH. 169. 20 ; Wulf. 288. 25 ; 289. 6. 

Note 1. I have not observed any parallels either in the 
poetry or in other Germanic languages. 

Note 2. In the earlier text of Layamon's Brut we find 
swa long swa, while the later version usually has so hng so. 
I quote an illustration : Brat 2. 626.22 swiken nulle ich nauere» 
swa long swa beo8 auere. Later version: pat so long so 
beop euere, ne swike ich pe neuere. 

Note 8. As long as is so common in Modem English that 
to quote illustrations would be superfluous. 

6b. swa lange • • • swa lange. 

In four instances swa lange is repeated at the head 
of the main clause, I quote to illustrate : O. 274. 10 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 91 

swa longe stoa seo ehtnes waes para cristenra monna, 
stva longe him waes ungemetlic moncwealm getenge; 
iEH. 2. 108. 28 SoS ic eow secge, stca lange swa ge 
forwymdon anum of Sisum lytlun, and noldon him on 
minum naman tiSian, swa lange ge me sylfum his 
forwymdon. 

6c. swa lange . • • swa. 

I quote the one example in which swa lange appears 
in the midst of the main clause, while swa introduces 
the subordinate member of the sentence: iEH. 2. 
280. 86 and swa lange leofode of 9isum deadlicum life 
swa he sylf wolde. In such an example as this the 
comparative nature of the construction is more evident. 

6d« swe longe. 

The one instance of this connective appears in Vesp, 
Psalms, which is a literal and slavish gloss. Doubt- 
less the form is due to the imitation of the Latin 
quamdiu^ which it is employed to render : OET. Vesp. 
Psalms 108. 88 ic singu dryhtne in life minum, ic 
singu gode minum swe longe ic biom. The Latin is : 
psallam Deo meo, quamdiu ero. 

6e. swa lange (• 

It does not quite appear whether this example is to 
be understood as temporal or as expressing result 
The form would lead us to expect the latter meaning, 
but the context seems to favor the temporal inter- 
pretation. The sentence in question follows : Chron. 
260. 84 I>a&t fir hi seagon in 9e daei rime and laeste 
swa lange p hit waes liht ofer eall. 

6f. swa • • • lengost. 

This connective corresponds to swa . . . oftost and 
swa . . . hrafost, but it is found only once. As in the 
case of the other connectives, the verb is a form of 



92 Chapter 1 

mugan; and the subject, and only that, intervenes 
between the parts of the connective. The one example 
follows : Chron. 161. 1 ealle I)a yldestan menn on West 
Seaxon lagon ongean stoa hi lengost mihton. 

7. Senden. 

This connective occurs very rarely in the prose, 
only seven examples of its occurrence being noted. 
In meaning it is synonymous with 9a hwile 9e. 

Wiilfing does not note it as being used in the 
writings of iElfred, but I have found one instance of 
its use. The corresponding passage in Smith's ed. 
of BH. has 9a htvile, and this explains why Wiilfing 
does not find the conjunction in iElfred. 

Three of the seven examples occur in Lch. I shall 
quote freely, since so few examples occur : Laws 74. 1 
Gif Sisses hwaet gelimpe 9enden fyrd ute sie, o88e in 
lenctenfaesten, hit sie twybote; BH. 188.4 se 8e aer, 
penden he I)is hwilendlice haefde riice, ma he gewunade, 
I)aBt he for paem ecan riice symle wonn 7 God blet- 
sode ; Lch. 2. 204. 1 of I)am sceal beon {> rot gelome 
adon, penden hit mon weld; Mart. 40. 11 wit sendon 
pine sweostra, ond Crist unc sende to pe, ond wit 
sceolon a beon mid pe penden pu leofast. 

In the Northumbrian Gospels ^ 9ende occurs a number 
of times, thus : M. 26. 6 9ende donne waes 9e haelend 
in bethania in huse symonis Saes hreafa, cuom to him 
wif haebbende staenne fuUe smirinisse. 

Note 1. In the poetry 9enden occurs somewhat more 
frequently. I quote examples from Beowulf, thus: Beo. 67 
heold penden lifde, game lend guS-reouw, glasde Scyldingas ; 
Beo. 1859 wesan, penden ic wealde widan rices, mat)mas 
gema&ne. 

^ Cook, Glossary. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 98 

8. on Sam 8e. 

This connective occurs very rarely, two instances 
only having been noted. 

Probably it arose from the omission of the sub- 
stantive in such sentences as this : O. 180. 21 On poem 
dagum pe Titus Sempronius 7 Gratias Gains waeron 
consulas on Rome, (hie) gefuhton wiS Faliscis paem 
folce, I quote the two examples : Chron. 169. 28 On 
pant pe Godwine eorl 7 Beom eorl lagon on Peuenes 
ea I)a com Swein eorl, 7 baed Beom eorl mid facne; 
Chron. 179. 16 on pam pe he her on lande waes he 
gespeon ealle Centingas. 

9. under Sasm Se. 

The only occurrence of this connective is in O. as 
follows : O. 30. 5 hy 8a under 9iBm pe he him on- 
winnende waes, wurdon gerade wigcraefta. 

It is a short step from such a use of under 9am as we 
have in the following sentence to the full conjunctive 
force : Chron. 168. 7 Da wearS hit under pam pet pam 
cynge com word {> unnfri8 scipa laegen be westen and 
hergodon. The use of under in such cases as this 
might easily lead to its employment in conjunctional 
phrases: O. 210. 10 iEfter paem Serins Galua for eft 
on Lusitanie, 7 friS genam wiS. hie, 7 hi under pcem 
fripe beswac ; O. 182. 28 Swa ponne waes mid Ro- 
manum past an gear paet hi sibbe haefdon, past hie 
under paere sibbe to paere maestan sace become. 

Note 1. In OS. we find undar thiu used with temporal 
force : Heliand 2854 That folk stillo bed, . . . under thiu he 
thurh in selbes kraft, . . . thena meti wihida, . . . endi mid 
is handum brak. 

10a. betwox Sam Se. 

Both the examples with this connective occur in 
LS. 2., and both follow : LS. 2. 264. 648 Betwux pam 



94 ChapUr I 

pe se bisceop on paere byrig wunode, I)a cydde man 
geond I>a burh I>8et paer cuman wolde to onsigendan 
here; LS. 2. 822. 123 Betumx pam pe he clypode to 
criste pagit pa tugon pa haepenan pone halgan to 
slaege. 

The conjunctive use might easily develop from such 
employment as this : Chron. 224. 18 Betwyx pismm se 
eorl of Normandige Rodbeard pes cynges broker 
gaderode swi8e mycel folc. And this adverbial use 
comes naturally from its frequent use with two dates, 
as in this example: Chron. 101. 6 py ilcan sumera 
be twix hlaf maessan 7 middum sumera se here braec 
pone frip of Ham tune. 

10 b. betweoh Son 8e. 

This form of the connective has been observed 
only once : BH. 360. 10 ond pa betweoh fan pe hine 
man lacnade, he forSferde. The Latin is : Vulneratus 
namque est in pugna Australium Saxonum, . . . et 
inter medendum defunctus. 

11a. omnang 8ain(n) Se. 

Oemang means a mixture, being from the same root 
as the verb mengan: and, though the simple mang 
does not occur, it would have the same meaning. 
As a preposition gemang has the meaning 4n Mitten 
von, unter, auch in Zeitliche tibergehend = w^hrend,' 
to quote Wtilfing.^ 

Doubtless the conjunctival use grew out of its 
employment as a preposition in cases such as this: 
Chron. 241. 14 7 on mang pam ge winnan se faeder 
forSferde. 

I have noted sixteen instances of onmang 9am fe, 
eight of which occur in Chron., and six in Nic, with 
one each for LS. and HL. In HL. and Nic. the 

* 2. 66o. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 96 

spelling amang occurs, as well as onmang in the 
latter. 

Examples follow : Chron. 169. 8 Ba amang pam pe 
hi ridon, pa baed Swegen hine pet he sceolde faran 
mid him to his scipon ; LS. 1. 602. 246 and seo sunne 
sah to setle on-mang 9am pe hi on wope waeron ; 
HL. 172. 92 And he panan to his gereorde eode and 
amang pan pe he aet, he to his pegnum spraec and 
pus cwaeS; Nic. 502. 12 ac amang pam pe hig pus 
spraecon paer waes stefen 7 gastlic hream swa hlud 
swa punres siege. 

lib. ongemang Sam 8e. 

This form of the conjunction has been met with 
only twice: CP. 339. 24 hie sint to manigenne Saet 
hie geSencen, ongemang fcem 9e hie wilnia9 Saet hie 
gifule 9yncen, 9aet hie, &c. Latin : dum valde muni- 
fici videri appetunt. Wulf. 84. 4 forSam hit waes oft 
aer, paet godes halgan fela wundra purh godes mihta 
openlice worhtan on gemang pam, pe hi ehtnesse 
paledon. 

lie. gemang 88Bm(n) 8e. 

I quote the examples of this form of the connective 
I have noted : O. 160. 6 Gemong pcem pe Pirrus wi8 
Romane winnende waes, hi haefdon eahta legian; 
Lch. 3. 106. 10 styre hy swype, gemang pan pe heo 
welle. 

12 a. prep. + ol^iect (noun of time) + 8e. 

This construction has been discussed before^, and 
so no extended comment is necessary here. The 
cases in which such clauses have the meaning while 
are very few indeed, only four having been noted, all 
of which I quote. 

* p. 32. 



96 Chapter I 

The prepositions used are tn, on^ geond^ and binnan ; 
the nouns of time tid, fyrst^ and dag ; the cases which 
are found are the dative and the accusative. 

BH. 128. 18 7 fraegn, for hwon he in Jxere tide^ pe 
oSre men slepon 7 reston, ana swa unrot . . . saete; 
i£H. 2. 150. 1 I>a geworhte he fela wundra eac binnan 
9am fyrste 9e he biscop waes ; LS. 1. 516. 477 Feower 
si9on man awende mynet-isena on his dagum^ pe 8as 
halgan fagyt wunodon onmang oI>rum mannum. In 
the latter example the meaning while is emphasized 
by fagyt. LS. 2. 294. 1223 and syl>l>an of I>am dege 
geand twentig wintra fyrst pe he wunode on life ne 
com on I>am earde aenig hagal sy9dan. 

I have not noted any parallels to this usage in the 
poetry. 

12 b. noun of time (in oblique case) + 86. 

In only one instance have I regarded such a clause 
as belonging to this division. The case is the dative, 
and the noun tima. The example follows : CP. 258. 10. 
Saet hie Sonne her on worulde Soligen earfeSu fcem 
timum de hie 9yrfen. 

For a full discussion of this construction the reader 
is referred to the paragraphs relating to it in Section A.^ 

18a. mid Sam Se. 

Since the meaning of this particle has already been 
fully discussed^, a few brief remarks will suffice here. 

So far as I have observed, mid 9am 9e only once 
indicates the equal duration of the actions of the two 
clauses; it usually indicates a period of time, when 
it means while, at some point of which the action 
of the main clause takes place. Most often it simply 
has the force of when, indicating merely the point of 
time at which an action takes place. 

* p- 35- * p- 36. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 97 

I quote the example in which mid dam 9e indicates 
the equal duration of the activity of the two clauses : 
Gen. 18. 8 and stod him under pam treowe wiS hig, 
mid pam pe hig aeton. 

Examples of the particle with its more common signi- 
fication follow : i£H. 2. 98. 6 Efhe 8a, mid pam pe he 
hlyste 8aes heofonlican sanges, 9a gewat his sawul of 
8am geswenctan lichaman to ecere reste. In the 
greater number of cases 9a is thus repeated at the 
head of the main clause. Exceptions have been noted 
in the index-list. Quot. 151. 6 Da, mid pam pe pa wif 
eodon, pa comon pa weardmen, and cyddon paet Crist 
aras of deape. 

Note 1. In Gothic, mippanei is used in much the same 
may as mid 9am 9e in OE. I cite an instance in which it 
introduces a clause at some point of which the action of 
the main clause takes place : L. 2. 6 Warp pan mippanei po 
wesun jainar, usfuUnodedun dagos du bairan izai. 

18 b. mid San 8e. 

I quote the only example of this connective I have 
noted with the meaning while : Neot 109. 81 Mid 
pan pe he his salmes and his gebeden and raedingan 
emb hydiglice smeade, pa becom him to gemjmde 
his o8er scoh. 

18 c. mid 8y 8e. 

Often it is difficult to determine whether connectives 
of the mid-class indicate a time-relation for which we 
should use when, or whether it is best rendered by 
while. Being guided by the fact that it most often 
renders cum in translations from the Latin, as well 
as by the sense of the passages, I have assigned 
most of the examples to the first class, differing in 
this from Wtilfing, who assigns the greater number to 
the class indicating 'Dauer oder Gleichzeitigkeit.' ^ 

^ 2. no. 



98 Chapter I 

I have assigned only such examples to this class 
as indicate clearly the duration of the activity. The 
mid 9y ^(g-clause denotes a period of time within which 
the activity of the main clause takes place: 

BH. 34. 16 And mid py 9e he hine {>a geseah on 
singalum gebedum, ... pa waes he semninga mid pam 
godcundan gyfe gesawen 7 gemildsad. Here mid dy 
9e is used to render the Latin dum. 

In this example the rendering while is supported 
by pu gyta: BH. 210. 8 Mid 9y 9e Sigeberht pu gyta 
rice haefde, cwom of Hibemia Scotta ealonde halig 
wer sum, paes noma waes Furseus. 

In BIH. and Ap. T. the spelling mid 9i 9e has been 
noted: Ap. T. 11. 16 Mid pi pe he pas pingc waes 
sprecende to him silfum, pa faeringa geseah he sumne 
fiscere gan. 

The meaning while is clear in this example : BIH. 
281. 17 pa Drihten Haelend Crist cwaeS to 8aem halgan 
Andrea his apostole, mid py pe he waes in Achaia 
paem lande. 

18 d. mid 87. 

This connective occurs most frequently in BH.y 
though also met with in other texts. The reader is 
referred to the discussion of mid 9y^ meaning when^y 
for a general consideration of the meaning and use 
of the connective. 

Examples follow : OET. Vesp. Psalms 80. 28 forSon 
8u geherdes stefne boene minre mi9 9y ic cleopiu to 
8e. The Latin runs: Ideo exaudisti vocem deprae- 
cationis meae, dum clamarem ad te. BH. 62. 8 Waes 
bi eastan paere ceastre welneah sumo cirice in are 
Sci Marline geo geara geworht, mid py Romani pa gyt 
Breotone beeodon. In the following example, 9a hwile 

* p. 41. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 99 

makes the force of mid 9y plain : BH. 424. 21 Mid 9y 
wit 9a hunile eodan, bicuomon wit to sumere dene; 
BH. 468. 7 Mid py he pa gena waes begeondan sae 
wuniende, het Oswio se cynincg gehalgian to bysceope 
on Eoforwicceastre Ceaddan pone halgan wer. In the 
latter example, pa gena fulfils the same office. 

The spelling mid 9i is found in Ap. T. 8. 21 Mid pi 
soSlice antiochus se waelreowa cyningc on pysse 
waelreownesse purhwunode, pa waes apollonius ge- 
haten sum iung man se waes swi8e welig 7 snotor. 

Note 1. In OHG., mit thiu frequently has the meaning 
of while, I quote examples for comparison : Tatian 27. 2 
Uuis gihengig thinemo uuidaruuorten sliemo, mit thiu thu 
bist in uuege mit imo. The Latin runs : dum es in via cum 
eo. Tatian 189. 10 Mit diu ir lioht habet, giloubet in lioht, 
thaz ir liohtes bam sit; Latin: dum lucem habetis. 

14. swa swa. 

In Modem English, as is frequently used in the 
sense of while^ but I have noticed swa in OE. only 
once so employed. The example follows: Chron. 
136. 14 7 dydon eall swa hi aer gewuna waeron, her- 
godon 7 baemdon 7 slogon swa swa hi ferdon. 

15 a. 8a giet 8a. 

We have had occasion several times to note the 
use of an adverb to make clear a time-relation not 
necessarily connoted by the particle itself; in a few 
cases 9a gyt used with 9a gives it the meaning of 
while. 

I quote all the examples: O. 136. 11 pagiet pa 
Alexander ham com to Babylonia, pagiet waes on him 
se maesta purst monnes blodes. This represents an 
intermediate stage; the 9a giet in the main clause is 
correlative to that in the subordinate clause, which, 
however, still indicates time when. 

h 2 






100 Chapter I 

In the following example, the meaning while seems 
plain: Dial. 167. 11 7 pa gyt pa hi saeton aet |)aere 
mysan 7 betwyh heom pa halgan gespraecu spraecon, 
seo laetere 7 seo ufore tid pa gyt forj) teah, pa seo 
ylce nunne seo (Jodes faemne Benedictes swuter baed 
hine 7 pus cwaeS; Laws 42. 16 7 pa giet 9a hie aet- 
gaedere waeron, monega haeSena Seoda hie to Gode 
gecerdon. Latin : dum adhuc simul erant. L. 16. 20 
7 pa gyt pa he waes feorr, his faeder he hyne geseah ; 
L. 24. 6 gepencaS hu he spaec wiS eow pa gyt pa he 
waes on galilea. 

15 b. 8a gen 8a. 

This connective is, of course, closely analogous to 
that of 16 a, and therefore needs no discussion. I 
quote the one example : BIH. 165. 17 Uton we ponne, 
men pa leofestan, gehyran hu swipe lofiice Sanctus 
Johannes waes mid paes Halgan Gastes maegemum 
gefylled, pa [gen] pa he on his modor bosme wuni- 
gende waes. 



D. CLAUSES DETERMINING THE TIME OF AN ACTION 
BY REFERENCE TO A PRECEDING ACTION. 



la. 

This conjunction is, according to Sweet ^, com- 
pounded of the preposition si9 and its object in the 
dative. Others regard fan as being the instrumental 
in a phrase of comparison. I incline to the latter 
view; for foem does not become 9an until the later 
period of OE., and we have siffan in the earliest 
texts. Indeed I have found but one instance of sUffam 
in all OE., and that in a text the language of which 
is late : Sol. 45. 10 Si99am he ponne pat gelaeomod 

^ Student's Dictionary of Anglo-Saxon. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 101 

haebbe paet his eagan nanwyht paet fyr ne onscynia8, 
hawie ponne on steorran, &c. But it is difficult to 
draw a sharp line between preposition and adverb in 
such cases. 

The fact that we never, or very rarely, find the re- 
lative^ with sif-ffan, whereas we regularly have it with 
after fan or cer 9on^ lends support to the view that the 
conjunction arose from a phrase of comparison. In 
this passage the parts are written separately: Chron. 
218. 10 Des geares for bam Lunden burh anre nihte 
aer assumptio see Marias swa swySe swa heo naefre aer 
naes syf pan heo gestapeled waes. 

Beside the common spelling siftan and syffan, I have 
noted seoffan in BH. and BIH., sieffan in CP., sioiffan 
in Epis., and s%o99en in Rood. In Lch. and the Hatton 
MS. of the Gospels 9yt9e or 8e99e is found, and the 
Northumbrian Gospels have sifta. 

The examples quoted are selected with a view of 
exhibiting these different spellings, as well as the diffe- 
rent usages discussed below. 8i99an is used indiffe- 
rently to express the relations ex quo and postguam. 

In most cases it is impossible to distinguish between 
these different functions, and I have therefore deemed 
it advisable to include all uses of sUfian under the 
general class of clauses determining the time of the 
action of the main clause by reference to a preceding 
action. The relation ex quo is, in reality, a mere 
special case of this general class. In a few cases the 
meaning ex quo is quite clear, thus : O. 17. 24 Ne 
mette he aer nan gebun land, sippan he from his agnum 
ham for. But must often the word will bear the trans- 
lation after ^ as well as from the time ihat^ thus : O. 90. 9 
Ac sippan hie on Sicilium wunnon, hie eac sippan 
betweonum him selfum winnende waeron. 

• p. 104. 



102 Chapter 1 

Wiilfing himself says^, speaking of his fourth divi- 
sion, 'Nebensatze zur Angabe des Anfangspunktes der 
Handlung des iibergeordneten Satzes* : 'Es ist nicht 
immer genau festzustellen, ob das Fligewort in solchen 
Satzen durch seitdem oder durch nachdem zu tiber- 
setzen ist, ... da mehrere M5glichkeiten vorhanden 
sind.' 

One other illustration of siffan in its meaning from 
the time that will suffice: L. 7. 45 Coss {>u me ne 
sealdest; I)eos syffan ic ineode, ne ge-swac {) heo 
mine fet ne cyste. The Latin runs: Osculum mihi 
non dedisti : haec autem ex quo intravit, non cessavit 
osculari pedes meos. 

The sentences quoted for variations in spelling will 
illustrate either use as it may happen : BH. 818. 14 
SecgaS men be hire, seofpan heo mynster gesohte, paet 
heo naefre linnum hraeglum brucan wolde ; CP. 157. 21 
Sie99an he hit fonne mid Sara awSrum cy9, fonne bid 
sio duru tfesre unryhtwisnesse ontyned. The use of 
fonne in this way is rare, though occasionally found. 
I quote one other example : Sol. 28. 5 Syffan I>u ponne 
me past asaed heafst, ponne maeg ic I>e secgan butan 
aelcum tweon I)aet pu heafst swa feola Sara ancra be- 
gyte swa pu heafst para lusta on wurlde forlaeten. 

More frequently, fa is found at the head of the main 
clause, as in this example : Sol. 21. 16 ac sifpan ic hyt 
pa ongyten haefde, pa forlaet ic pa pe sceawunge mid 
pam eagum. 

Epis. 151. 810 Siofpan hie pa wyrmas haefdon on- 
druncen paes waetres, pa gewiton hie ponon and ure 
no ne ehton ; Rood. 5. 84 Ba 8%o99en se maera kasere 
constantinus waes getrymed mid rihtan geleafan, he 
pa liomian ongan pa godcundan lare ; Lch. 8. 104. 1 
opre greccas nemneS eumotici, p sindon pe tep pe 

^ 2. 112. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 103 

pane mete brecaj), syppe pa forme hyne underfangene 
habbaet. 

In Modem English, since has passed very largely 
over to the causal signification. This is natural enough, 
for an event which precedes another is often its cause ; 
but it is noteworthy that in OE. syftan rarely or never 
has this meaning. I quote an example in which the 
two meanings seen about equally present : LS. 2. 70. 76 
Fela waeron forbodene godes folc on Saere ae pe nu 
syndon claene aefter cristes tocyme, si9dan paules cwae8 
to pam cristenum 8us. 

Note 1. SMan seems to be used in the poetry as in the 
prose. An example follows : Christ 1041 micel ariseS Dryht- 
folc to dome, sippan deat)es bend ToleseS LifEruma. 

Note 2. I find seo^en in Layamon's Brat 1. 267.6 par 
nas nauer nan man seo9&en Noes flod hit hauede ouergan. 

Later forms are silhenes, which gives the Modem English 
since; and sithe, which gives sith, common in Elizabethan 
English: Piers Plowman, Prologue A. 61 Seththe charite 
hath be chapmon, and cheef to schriuen lordes, Mony ferlyes 
han bi-falle in a fewe yeres. For the same passage the B. 
text has : For sith charite hath be chapman ... I find the 
form 5y« in Chaucer's Prologue 601 And by his covenant 
yaf the rekenyng, syn that his lord was twenty year of age. 
Sithen also is found: Knightes Tale 1244 and sikerly, ther 
trowed many a man That never, sithen that the world bigan, 
. . ., Nas of so fewe, so noble a companye. 

Note 3. The Modem German seitdem is analogous to 
OE. sUflfan. 

Note 4. Gothic seipu is cognate to OE. sidtfan, but is not 
used as a conjimction. OS. siSor is used as a conjunction 
in ways parallel to the use of OE. siStfan : Heliand 147 than 
warun wit nu atsamna antsibunta wintro gibenkeon endi 
gibeddeon, siSor ik sie mi te bradi gekos. In OHG., Otfrid 
uses sid in ways parallel to OE. sMfan : Otfrid 2. 8. 64 Thiz 
zeichan deta druhtin krist mennisgon zi erist, sider hera in 
worolt quam joh mannes lichamon nam ; Otfrid 6. 17. 16 zi 



104 ChapUr I 

sin selbes riche, so gizam, sid er in tode sign nam. In Tatian, 
sid is not employed as a conjunction. 

lb. aiSSan . . . siSSazL 

In a number of cases siffan is repeated in the 
main clause. The purpose is to bind the two clauses 
more closely together, as we have noted in the case 
of many similar phenomena. In this example siffan 
in the main clause translates a Latin postea: Laws 
64. 20 siffan hit to 8am arise I>8et angylde, sitfan sie 
paet wite CXX scill.* The Latin runs: postquam 
angildum ad id surgit (crescit) postea sit wita centum 
uiginti solidi. 

Other examples follow: O. 296. 9 pohte, sippan 
paet folc oferfunden waere, paet hie sippan wolde eall 
I)aBt he wolde ; O. 62, 82 I)is ic sprece nu for Saem 
I)e ic wolde paet pa ongleaten, . . . hwelc mildsung 
sippan waes, sippan se cristendom waes 7 hu monig- 
fealde wolbaemes Saere worulde aer paem waes; BIH. 
219. 24 Ah seoppan he f)on bisceophade onfeng in 
Tuman Saere byrig, nis naenig man paet pa wundor 
ealle asecggan maege, pa Se God seoppan purh hine 
worhte. 

Ic. siSSan • . . 8e. 

It is not altogether clear whether si9fan in this 
example should be regarded as an adverb, or whether 
sifidn . . . fe together make a conjunction. In either 
case, the construction is unique, unless it be the 
instance considered below. 

I quote the sif9an . . . 9e example : Laws 174. 88 
7 forgyldon paet yrfe, pe syffan genumen waere, pe 
we paet feoh scuton. The Latin runs: quod captum 
fuerit (est), postquam pecuniam nostram contulerimus. 
It may be that a 9(bs has dropped out before fe. If 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 105 

that were present, the construction would be perfectly 
regular. 

The following example presents something of the 
same difficulty, but I believe that si99an is an adverb, 
and 9e^ used to introduce a clause indicating time 
when: HL. 166. 114 Geeamode he py Sff99an, pe he 
drihten heora ealra modgeSances cunnode and be 
him sylfiim hi ealle befran, hwaet hi wendon, paet he 
waere. 

Id. siS. 

1 have found only one example of 8i9 in OE. It 
is impossible to say whether it is a remnant of an 
earlier conjunctive use of the simple sUf or an early 
approximation to the Middle English form, but I in- 
cline to the latter view. The one example follows: 
Cart. 2. 58. 13 Si9 heora tuuge daeg agan sie, ponne 
agefe mon tuuenti hida higuum to biodland. 

2 a. sfter Ssm 8e. 

In origin, cefter is the comparative of the adverb 
a/, meaning /rom, originally local in signification. It 
means, therefore, in the sphere of time later. Its use 
as a preposition came doubtless from its use in com- 
parisons, and naturally it required the dative case. 
The step from preposition to conjunction is easy. 
Of course, 9e is the relative. 

As to use, asfter deem 9e differs from eiffan in that 
it never has reference to the beginning-point of an 
action. The determination of time, for the main 
clause, is effected by a subordinate clause, the action 
of which is conceived of as absolutely preceding that 
of the main clause. There is nothing implied as to 
the closeness of the succession of actions ; that of 

» Cf. p. 26. 



106 Chapter I 

the main clause may follow immediately, or an indef- 
initely long period may intervene. 

The prevailing spelling is cefter 9am 9e in all the 
texts except O. and CP. Si99an is the most common 
conjunction introducing clauses of this kind in all 
the texts except O. and BH. In the former, cefter 
9cem 9e occurs most frequently, and in the latter 
(Bjier 9on 9e. 

More clauses of the CB/ter-type occur in O. than in 
all the other texts taken together. This is due prob- 
ably to the style ; scores of clauses of similar nature 
are found. 0. 78. 1 JSfter pcem pe Romeburg getimbred 
waes twa hunde wintra 7 miX, paette Cambis(is) feng 
to Persa rice. 

In a number of cases we find 9a at the head of 
the main clause, as in this example : O. 94. 22 jEfter 
pasm pe Laecedemonie haefdon Perse oft oferwunnen, pa 
gebudon him Perse past hie haefden III winter sibbe 
wip hie ; O. 92. 7 J>a on Saem ilcan daege cefter pcem pe 
hie piss gesprecen haefdon, fuhton GalUe on pa burg. 

Examples with the spelling 9am follow : M. 27. 31 
after pam pe hig hyne pus bysmerodon, hig unscryddon 
hyne pam scyccelse ; BIH. 229. 1 Her seg8 paet cefter 
pam pe Drihten Hselend Crist to heofonum astah, 
pSBt pa apostoli wseron eet-somne. 

In this example, 9e is probably a mere scribal error 
for cefter 9am 9e ; since 9e nowhere else has the mean- 
ing after^ and since the other MS. has this reading : 
Laws 328. 7 And us ne SincS na riht, Saet aenig man 
ahnian scule, 8flBr gewitnysse biS, 7 mann gecnawan 
can, p8Bt par brygde by8; pSBt nan man hit nah to 
geahnianne raflost Singa ser syx monflum, 9e hit for- 
stolen W8BS. The other version reads: ser syx mon- 
8um, cefter 9am 9e hit forstolen waes; and the Latin 
is : postquam furatum est. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 107 

Note 1. So far as I have been able to discover, none of 
the conjunctions of the fl^/fer-type appear in the poetry. 

Note 2. OE. after is cognate with Gothic aftaro and ON. 
aptr, but neither of these is used as a conjunction. 

In OS. we find aftar thiu, but it is used only in adverbial 
relations. In OHG. we find after thiu used as a conjunction 
in Tatian, but not so in Otfiid. I subjoin an example : 
Tatian 7.1 After thiu tho argangana uuarun ahtu taga, thaz 
thaz kind bisnitan uuurdi, uuard imo ginemnit namo Heilant 
The Latin is : £t postquam consiunmati sunt dies octo. 

2 b. after San Se. 

This form of the connective is comparatively rare, 
only ten instances having been noted, tough these 
occur in texts ranging from BH. to HL. Since it 
does not differ from cefter 9am 9e in any respect, 
save in the case of the demonstrative, no further dis- 
cussion is called for here. Beside the ten instances 
spoken of, I have noted it twice in the Hatton MS. 
of the Gospels. I ' give the references : M. 27. 31 ; 
Mk. 14. 28. 

I quote examples to illustrate the normal use of this 
connective : BH. 410. 81 him segde, paette 8aere ilcan 
nihte him Bosel purh gesihde aetaeawde cefter fan pe 
uhtsang waes gefylled. In a few instances fa stands 
at the head of the main clause, thus: i£H. 1. 90. 11 
JSfter pan 9e waeron gefyllede ehta dagas Drihtnes 
acennednysse peet he ymbsniden weere, pa wees his 
nama geciged Jesus. I have noted only one instance 
in which 9a appears in the temporal clause as a 
correlative to 9a at the head of the main clause : HL. 
159. 169 Mfterpan pe se hselend pa hsefde heora fet 
gepwagen, pa onfeng he eft his hrsegle and hine mid 
gegerede. In this example 9a appears in the main 
clause, but not at its head : Gen. 18. 14 God cwseS pa 
to Abrame, cefier panpe Loth wabs totwsemed him fram. 



108 Chapter I 

2 c. sfter Son 8e. 

This form of the connective occurs most frequently 
in BH., about half of the whole number of examples 
being found in that text. The other examples are scatt- 
ered through texts ranging from OET. to HL., though 
the whole number of examples is only about thirty. 

Since nothing more of a general nature is to be 
added to what has already been said concerning the 
cBfter-Xy^e of connective, I pass to the examples: 
OET. 178. 33 cefter fon 9e he tuelf gear 8flBr wunode, 
8a eode he in done gefean Saere ecan eadinesse ; BH. 
94. 2 se eadiga papa Gregorius cefter pon pe he pset 
setl paere Romaniscan cyricean 7 paere apostolican 
preottyne gear 7 syx monaS 7 tyn dagas wulderlice 
heold 7 rehte, pa wabs forSfered. 

In the following example, we have a 9a in the sub- 
ordinate clause, correlative to 9a at the head of the 
main clause : BH. 362. 3 ^fter pon 9e he 9a to Dryhtne 
geleorde, pa waes CuSbyrht flaes ilcan mynstres regol- 
weard geworden. 

The change of mode in this example is noteworthy ; 
Dial. 305. 16 cefter pon pe pu swa earfo81ice 7 gewin- 
fuUice ongeate 7 geljjfdeet, ic gelyfe, past hit sy raed, 
p8Bt ic assBgce pa sprsece, pe me gerehte weeron fram 
swi8e getreowum werum. 

We have 9a at the head of the main clause in 
this example : Guth. 12. 9 After pon pe he wees apwegen 
mid pam pweale pees halgan fuUuhtes, 9a wses he eft 
to psere faederlican healle gelsedd and pser gefedd. 
Here 9onne appears in a similar manner : BIH. 59. 1 1 
Hie him ponne eft swipe bitere pencap, cefter pon pe 
se deaS him tocymep Godes dom to abeodenne. 
We find cefter pon pe in the Northumbrian Gospels, for 
particulars the reader is referred to Cook's Glossary.^ 

^ A Glossary of the Old Northumbrian Gospels, Halle, 1894. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 109 

2d. 8Bfter Son. 

I have noted this form only twice, and suspect that 
it may be due to an imitation of the Latin postquam. 
However, the relative is so frequently omitted in 
temporal connectives that it is probably unnecessary 
to adopt any such theory. Beside the two examples 
in the texts I have examined, I have observed that it is 
the most common form in the Northumbrian Gospels. 
In the latter the omission of the relative in connec- 
tives of this formation is regular. OET. Vesp. Psalms 
126. 2 arisad, efter 9on gesittad 8a 8e eotad hlaf sares, 
Sonne selefl scyldum his slep-. Latin : surgete post- 
quam sederitis, qui manducatis panem doloris. BH. 
826. 9 Ond cefter pon he hine gereste medmicel faec, 
8a ahof hine up 7 ongan aweg gan. 

Note 1. The OHG. ajler thin is closely parallel to this 
form: Tatian 97. 7 auh after thiu theser thin sun ther dar 
fraz alia sina heht mit huorun quam, arsluogi imo gifiiotrit 
calb. The Latin runs : sed postquam filius tuus . . . venit. 

2e. 8Bfter Ssm Ssst. 

Only one example ot this class has been noted. 
The use of 9(Bt in this way is unusual, but may be 
regarded as one of the early stages in its progress 
toward its present regular relative use. Beside the 
more common o9 feet we find offe, so that in some 
connections the demonstrative and the relative were 
felt to be closely related, even in OE. Or feet may 
be regarded as the demonstrative introducing a sub- 
stantive clause in apposition with ffcem. The sentence 
in question is as follows: O. 212. 28 Hit bip eac 
geomlic pset mon heardlice guide pone hnescestan 
mealmstan cefter poem poet he pence pone soelestan 
hwetstan on to gerseceanne. 

WUlfing^ regards the two following examples as 

* 2. 114. 



110 Chapter I 

temporal, but I cannot so consider them : BH. 28. 7 
pa gelamp oefter pon pcette Peahte 8eod com of 
ScySSia lande on scipum 7 pa ymbflemdon eall Breo- 
tone gem»ro, paet hi comon on Scotland upp: BH. 
40. 24 ©a W8BS sona, cefter pon poet smyltnes com 
cristenra tida, paet Sser wabs cyrice geworht. 

2f. 8Bfter SsBt. 

I quote the one example of this sort I have noted : 
Lch. 3. 132. 30 cefter pcet seo blodlsBse si gefylled, pu 
hine scealt scearpigean. The text is somewhat late, 
and perhaps we shold regard this as an early appear- 
ance of a syntactical usage which in Middle English 
and Elizabethan English became common. We find 
after that as a conjunction in the King James' Version 
of the Bible, for example : Mk. 1. 14 Now after that 
John was put in prison, Jesus came into Galilee. The 
English Revised Version also has after that^ but the 
American reads simply after. 

We may regard the clause introduced by that as 
the object of the preposition, and the presence of that 
due probably to the feeling of necessity for an object. 

8. S8BB Se. 

This connective is rare in the writings of iElfric, 
and indeed occurs infrequently in all the texts except 
Chron., O., and BH. 

In origin it is an adverbial genitive, meaning at 
first whetiy and then becoming specialized to the 
meaning after. We occasionally find fees as an adverb 
meaning after^ as in this example : Chron. 72. 9 7 pees 
ymb anne monap gefeaht iElfred cyning wip alne 
pone here lytle werede set Wiltune. 

In this sentence we have fees in its more original 
use of denoting time when: Chron. 72. 12 7 pees geares 
wurdon Villi folc gefeoht gefohten wip pone here. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 111 

The addition of the relative gives the adverb con- 
junctive force, and so far as I have observed, 9(B8 
is never used alone as a conjunction.^ This example 
will show how the addition of 9e makes of the adverb 
9<B8 a conjunction : Chron. 2. 7 Ond pass ymb VI gear 
p(Bs pe hie up cuomon ge eodon West Seaxna rice.* 

In one instance 9ces is separated from 9e : Guth. 90. 17 
pflBt py ylcan dsege pees ymbe twelf monaS pe seo 
forSfore pees eadigan weres waes, hi pa pa byrgene 
untyndon. It would seem that ymbe twelf monaf is, 
as it were, an afterthought, and is inserted parenthet- 
ically between the parts of the connective. 

The many instances of the following kind might 
lead us to suppose that fees arose from the partitive 
use : O. 212. 13 pa w8bs pset pridde gewin geendad 
Punica 7 Romana on paem feorpan geare pees pe hit 
»r ongunnen w»s. But the difficulties in the way 
of this theory are greater than for the one which 
I have adopted. 

In this example we have a fa in the subordinate 
clause balanced by a fa at the head of the main clause : 
BH. 42. 3 And pees fe pa seo costnung flsBre ehtnesse 
gestilled wabs, pa wseron forflgongende pa cristenan 
men. 

In the following example we have fa at the head 
of the main clause as frequently : Exod. 16. 1 pa ferdon 
hig panon pi fifteoSan dsege pses flefteran monSes, pees 
pe hig ut ferdon of Egipta lande. 

In this example pees is evidently for fees fe^ which is 
the reading offered by MSS. B., O., and Ca. : BH. 108. 
22 pflBt W8BS ymb an 7 twentig wintra, pees Agustinus 
mid his geferum to laeranne Ongolpeode sended wabs. 

A scribal error is doubtless responsible for the form 
ftBsne in the following : Cart. 2. 121. 36 Da aefter pyssum 

^ But sec below. > Cf. BH. 486. 21. 



112 Chal^er I 

hit gelamp, pan ilcan geare pcesne pis on midnewinter 
W8BS gedon. 

Note 1. This connective is met with occasionally in the 
poetry. In this example the relative is separated bovaifces: 
Christ 466 Sona waeron gearwe haeleS mid Hlaford to l)aere 
halgan b3rrig, l)ser him tacma fela tires Biytta onwrah, . . . 
aerl)on up stige ancenned Smiu, . . . pcBS yroib feowertig, pe 
he of foldan aer from deaSe aras, dagena rimes. Judith^ 18^ 
t)aet waes ^y feorSan dogor pcBS pe Judith h3me . . . aerest 
gesohte. 

Note 2. I have not found parallels either in Middle Eng- 
lish or in tlie other Germanic dialects. 

4a. prep. + olg- (noun of time) + 8e.^ 

The instances in which this formula is equivalent to 
a connective meaning after are very few indeed, and 
are hard to account for. 

The time-relation is not evident from the connec- 
tive itself, but must be gathered from the context. 
One would like to think that 9(bb has dropped out in 
all the cases, but that is rather too violent a method 
of dealing with the question. 

Probably the examples were not felt as o/icr-clauses 
at all, though logically they are. The clauses intro- 
duced by 9e may be considered relative adjective 
clauses depending on the noun of time ; just as we 
might say, translating HL. 186. 131, 'It was then in 
the eighth year that the great famine came upon them, 
that, &c.' 

I quote the examples : Cart. 3. 627. 31 pis wsbs gedon 
ymbe Villi nigon hund wintra 7 LXVIIII 7 on nigo- 
pan geare pe Oswold bisceop to folgoSe feng ; Exod. 
19. 1 On pam priddan monife, pe Israhela folc ferde of 
Egipta lande, hig ferdon to Sinai westene. For this 
the latin reads : Mense tertio egressionis Israel de terra 

* Cook's ed., Boston, 1889. " Cf. p. 32. • 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 1 13 

Aegypti, in die hac venerunt in solitudinem Sinai. 
Num. 1. 1 Drihten sprsec witodlice to Moise on Sinai 
dune . . .on pant o9rum geare, pe hig foron of Egipta 
lande. The Latin is : Locutus est Dominus ad Moysen 
• . . anno altero egresseionis eorum ex Aegypto. 
HL. 185. ISl And hyt wees pa on pam ehto9an geare, 
pe se mycla hungor heom on becom, past hig for paere 
hlafleaste pa eorSan eeton. 

4 b. noun of time (in oblique ca8e) + Se.^ 
Only three instances of this connective have been 
noted. The explanation suggested for the group 4 a 
applies equally well here, and therefore no further 
discussion is necessary. The examples follow ; Chron. 
119. 7 Her waes Eadgar epeling gehalgod to cyninge 
on Pentecoste msesse daei on V idus Mai; pe XIII 
geare pe he to rice feng aet HatabaSum; Chron. 
235, 19 f) wffis ptes preottefan geares pe he rice on 
feng ; BH. 30. 20 py sixtan monfe^ pe he hider com, 
he eft to Rome hwearf. For this passage the Latin 
has : ac sexto quam profectus erat mense Romam rediit. 

6 a. of+olu* (noun of time) + 8e. 

This formula diflFers from 4 a in that the nature of 
the temporal relation is clearly indicated by the 
preposition of the connective. Clauses with connec- 
tives of this type fix the time of the beginning of the 
action of the main clause, and are therefore a special 
case of the clause 'zur Angabe des Vorhergehens 
vor der Handlung des tibergeordneten Satzes,* to 
adopt the words of Wlilfing. * He however makes a 
separate division for clauses ^ zur Angabe des Anfangs- 
punktes.* • 

My reasons for including clauses of this kind under 
this general division are these: first, the impossibility* 

* Cf. p. 35. " 2. 114. • 2. 112. * p. loi. 

i 



114 ChapUr I 

of determining whether many clauses of the sifffan- 
class do express the relation ex quo ; secondly, the 
fact that this determination of time is a mere special 
case of the determination of time by reference to an 
action which precedes that of the main clause. 

The number of examples with this connective is 
not great, but they occur in texts ranging in date 
from BH. to Wulf. The only nouns of time I have 
noted are tid^ dceg, and tima; the case is always the 
dative, of course. 

I quote examples : BH. 52. 9 is saed of pcsre tide pe 
hi Canon gewiton o8 to daege, paet hit weste wunige ; 
Guth. 84. 20 Of pcere tide pe ic serest mid pe on |)isum 
westene eardode, ic pe gehyrde sprecan on sefenne 
and on seren-mergen ic nat mid hwaene ; LS. 2. 
292. 1198 Auitianus soSlice siSpan waes mild-heortra 
of patn dcege cefre pe se deoful him fram wear8 ; 
Deut. 9. 7 Of patn doege^ pe he eow ut alsedde of 
Egipta lande o8 pisne dsBg, aefre ge fliton and wunnon 
ongean drihten. The Latin reads: Ex eo die, quo 
egressus es ex Aegypto ; Wulf. 280. 5 and of pam 
timan (Brest, pe se man fulluht underfehS, him wunaS 
on se halga gast, gif he hine sylfne mid rihte gehealt. 

Note 1. With this may be compared OHG. fon thiui 
Tatian 92.4 Inti fragata sinan fater: uuuo michil stimta ist 
fon thiu imo thaz giburita ? For this the Latin is : quantum 
temporis est ex quo hoc ei accidit 

6 b. fram + oly* (noun of time) + Se. 

Since only four examples with this formula have 
been noted, I quote them all. No comment of a 
general nature in addition to what has been said in 
5 a is necessary. The nouns of time are geary dceg, 
and tima ; and the case is always the dative : O. 62. 
15 From pcem geare pe heo getimbred wearS, wees 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 115 

hire anwald M wintra 7 C 7 LX 7 folnseh feower, 
ser hio hiere anwaldes benumen wurde ; JE. 1. 462. 29 
From Sam deege pe his apostol Bartholomeus hider 
com, ic eom mid bymendum racenteagum 8earle 
fomumen ; LS. 1. 98. 158 we synd wraOe ge-swaencte 
and mid fyre fomumene for Julianes intingan sefre 
fram 9am daege pe ge hine eerest drsehton ; Wulf. 15. 2 
pa wsBs agan geargerimes from pain Hman^ pe Adam 
eerest gescapen waes, feower pusend and hunteontig 
and preo und sixtig geare, pees pe bee secgaS. 

Note 1. I have noted a parallel construction in Gothic, and 
cite illustrations : Colossians 1. 9 Dul)l)e jah weis, fram pamma 
daga ei hausidedum, ni hweilaidedum £euu: izwis bidjandans 
jah aihtrondans ei fullnail) kunl)jis wiljins is in allai handugein 
jah frodein ahmeinai ; Nehemiae 5. 14 Jah fram pamma daga 
ei anabauj) mis ei wesjan fouranial)leis izi in Judaia, &c. 
The Greek for the first passage follows : Jut tovto *ai ^fietg^ 

6ct firam Ssst. 

This connective, common in Middle English, has 
been noted only once : Chron. 258. 26 pis wsbs saegon 
7 herd fram p he pider com eall p lented tid on an 
to Eastren. 

Note 1. I quote an illustration from Middle English: 
Richard Coeur de Lion^ 213 Geve us leve to don her dwele, 
Fro that begynnes the gospelle, Tyll the messe be sungge 
and sayd. 



E. CLAUSES DETERMINING THE TIME OF ACTION BY 
REFERENCE TO A SUBSEQUENT ACTION. 

la. 8Br. 

This connective is, in origin, a comparative, and 
belongs to the main clause. But from this it soon 

^ Weber, Metrical Romances. Edinburg i8io. 

i 2 



116 Chapter I 

develops conjunctival and prepositional functions, as 
many adverbs did. 

It is difficult to say which arose first, its prepositional 
or conjunctival use. We find cer alone, as well as 
cer 9am in early texts, so, for lack of evidence, the 
question must be left undecided. 

The chief point of interest in connection with cer 
is its use with the optative; but as this will be dis- 
cussed in the chapter on the mode of the temporal 
clause, we leave it for the present. 

The simple apt is the most common of the connec- 
tives of the orr-class in all the texts, save in the 
writings of iElfric, in which cer 9an 9e predominates. 

The comparative nature of cer is apparent in examples 
such as these: Lch. 1. 112.20 Wi8 eagena sare ser 
sunnan upgange o88e hwene cer heo fuUice gesigan 
onginne, ga to flaere ylcan wyrte proserpinacam ; BH. 
438. 21 ^r hwene 8u come, code inn on pis hus to 
me twegen geonge men faegre 7 beorhte. 

The examples which follow will illustrate the normal 
use of mode, etc. : Dial. 274. 2 ic pa gyt wsbs wuniende 
in minum mynstre, cer ic pas biscopscire underfengce ; 
L. 22. 16 Ic eow secge p ic heononforS ne ete, cer 
hyt sy on godes rice gefylled. 

The double comparative, as it were, ceror^ stands in 
the main clause, correlative with cer, in this example : 
LS. 2. 276. 919 Martinus him cwaeS to past he ne mihte 
na gan ceror to cyrcan cer se pearfa wsere gescryd; 
Int. Sig. 60. 490 God afandad pses mannes, na swilce 
he nyte selces mannes heortan, cer he his fandige, ac 
he wyle paet se man gepeo on psere fandunge ; Wulf. 
150.8 ne mfiBg se preost eenigum synfuUum men wel 
deedbote tsecan, oer he gehyre his synne, pe ma, pe 
senig Isece m»g eenigne untrumne mann wel lacnjan, 
cer he heebbe p89t attor ut aspiwen pe him oninnan biS. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 117 

All the following have the indicative : Chron. 82. 17 
Eamulf cyning gefeaht wi8 Sflem raede here cer pa scipu 
cuomon ; O. 64. 93 hie mid nanum pinge ne mehton 
gesemede weorpan, oer para Romana wif mid heora 
cildum iemende waeron gemong Seem gefehtun; CP. 
385. 16 nolde he deah on eordan bion monna lareow, 
cer he w8bs Sritiges geara eald ; John 17. 24 forSam 
pu lufodest me, cer middan-eard gesett wees; iEH. 2. 
96. 7 Se apostol Petrus hsefde wif and cild, and eac 
sume 8a oSre apostolas, cer hi to Cristes lareowdome 
gecyrdon ; BIH. 243. 17 We witon forpon pe cer he on 
paes earfo8nesse com he ure wees wealdend. 

Note 1. Probably orr is as common in the poetry as in 
the prose. I quote an example: Christ 815 Wende swiSe 
paet aenig aelda aefre [ne] meahte swa faestlice foresc3rttelsas 
on ecnesse o inhebban, oppe 9aes ceasterhlides clustor on- 
lucan, cer him Godes engel, purh glaedne geponc, pa wisan 
onwrah. 

Note 2. In Middle English ar usually appears as er^ and 
its use is frequent Examples follow: Brut 1. 67. 17 pu most 
swiper fehten, er we heonne iwenden; Chaucer's Knyghtes 
Tale 182 Er it were day, as was hir wone to do, She was 
arisen, and al redy dight 

Note 8. In Modem English ere is confined largely to 
poetry, or archaic language. I cite an example from Skake- 
speare: 2 Henry IV. V. 5 Ere this year expire, We bear 
our civil swords and native fire As far as France. 

Note 4. In OS. we find er used much as cer in OE. 
I quote examples for comparison: Heliand 4954 ni let ina 
the portun ward folgon is frohon, er it at is fiiunde abad 
Johannes at enumu Judeon, that man ina gangan let forS an 
thena firid-hof. We find er in OHG. also. I quote : Tatian 5. 7 
Christes cunni uuas so: Mit thiu uuas gimahalit thes heilantes 
muoter Maria Josebe, ^rthiu zisamane quamin, uuas siu fimdan 
so scafEaniu fon themo heilagen geiste ; Otfiid 2. 7. 65 Irkanta 
ih thino quad ju manageru ziti, er er thik thes gibeitti, thaz 
er thik hera le-itti. 



118 Chapter I 

lb. 8Br 8Br. 

This doubled form of the connective occurs only 
three times, and all of these are in Bo. It is probable 
that the first cer belongs to the main clause, since we 
frequently find a correlative ter so employed. This 
correlative cer happens to stand at the end of the 
main clause, and the two practically form one con- 
junction. 

In the following example the first asr is better re- 
garded as still belonging to the main clause : CP. 141. 
10 sua sindon 8a loccas to sparienn^ Ssem sacerde 
flaet he 8a hyd behelien, & 8eah 88Bt he hie forceorfe 
osTj cer hie on 8a eagan feallen. 

The examples oi cer cer follow : Bo. 128. 17 Se fore- 
gone is sio godcunde gesceadwisnes ; sio is fsBSt on 
psem hean sceppende pe eall fore wat hu hit ge- 
weor8an sceall, cer cer hit geweor8e ; Bo. 128. 28 Swa 
swa 8b1c crsBftega 8enc8 7 mearca8 his weorc on his 
mode, cer cer he hit wyrce ; Bo. 144. 29 swa swa good 
scipstiora ongit micelne wind on hreore &fB cer cer hit 
geweor8e. 

1 C cBlr ... cBlT. 

In a considerable number of cases we find an ad- 
verbial cer in the main clause correlative to with the 
conjunction. 

In one instance this adverbial correlative stands at 
the end of the main clause, and so in immediate juxta- 
position with the connective. In this way, doubtless, 
the form cer cer is to be accounted for. The example in 
question is as follows : CP. 141. 10 sua sindon 8a loccas 
to sparienne 8sBm sacerde dset hi 8a hyd behelien, 
& 8eah 88Bt he hie forceorfe cer^ cer hie on 8a eagon 
feallen. 

Here follow the examples oi cer , , . cer with the 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 119 

optative : O. 58. 7 Nu is hit scortlice ymbe pSBt gessBgd 
psette asr gewearfl cer Romeburg getimbred waere ; Bo. 
22. 32 fordeem msBnegum men is leofre I>ffit he (bt self 
swelte APT he gesio his wif 7 his beam sweltende; 
BIH. 19. 8 pa cumap oft purh deofles sceonessa cer 
to manna heortan, €Pr Drihtnes were pser wunian 
mote. 

Here are the examples with the indicative: Chron. 
186. 4 ac cer paer w»re senig spere gescoten, csr fleah 
88Bt Englisce folc, forSan pe hig weeron on horsan; 
Mart. 218. 27 ond sancta Lucia cer ne gewat, cer hyre 
com to godes sacerd ; Wulf. 16. 1 1 forSam he nses 
na cer mann, cer he for ealles middaneardes alysed- 
nesse sylfwilles menniscnesse underfeng. 

Note 1. I have noted one instance in the poetry in which 
a correlative cer is used in this way: Beowulf 1371 Seah 
1)6 hsed-stapa hundum geswenced, heorot homum tnmii 
holtwudu sece, feorran gefl3rmed, cer he feorh seled aldor 
on a ofre, cer he in wille hafelan [hydan]. 

Note 2. We find the same S3mtactical usage in OHG. : 
Otfirid 4. 4. 3 Thaz was finf dagon er, er er thulti thaz ser, 
er iz zi thiu irgiangi thaz man nan gifiangL 

id* sr Ssm 8e. 

This form of the connective is more common in 
the writings of iElfred, especially O. and CP., than 
in those of iElfric. 

In itself 0^ is a comparative, and, as such is follow- 
ed by the dative. Naturally, then, when it came to 
be used as a preposition, it demanded the dative case. 
The addition of fe gives this preposition with its ob- 
ject the force of a conjunction. 

This does not mean that this formula was the 
earliest conjunction of the flpr-type, and that in course 
of time 9e was dropped, leaving cer 9am with the 
force of a conjunction, later oer alone being used. 



120 Chapter I 

For, on the other hand, the simple car seems to be 
more common in early texts than in later; in general, 
the use of the relative in prepositional formulae of 
all kinds increases in later texts. Moreover, OE. seems 
to be almost alone in the extensive employment of 
connectives built up of a preposition, the demon- 
strative object, and the relative. 

In meaning and use oer 9am 9e does not differ from 
the simple apt, the optative being used in the greater 
number of cases. 

We find a correlative a^r in the main clause in 
only a few cases, as in these examples : CP. 385. 18 
nolde he 8eah cbt bodian 8a giefe ffaes fulfremedan 
lifes, (Brtcem 9e he self waere fulfremedre ielde ; Hex. 
4. 1 Her ge magon gehyran 8»t heofone n»s na obt 
certam 9e se selmihtiga wyrhta hi geworhte on an- 
ginne and ealne middaneard on hys mycclum crsefte ; 
Wulf. 169. 6 riht is, p»t we luQan pa, 8e god lufjan, 
. . . and nsenne gemanan a^r wi& pa habban, cer 9am pe 
hy gebugan and geomlice betan. Compare also CP. 
461. 13, and BIH. 169. 24. 

Examples of a^r 9am 9e with the optative follow: 
O. 36. 22 -^ 9am 9e Romeburh getimbred weere eahta 
hund wintra 7 fif wintrum, gewearff p»t Moyses Isedde 
Israhelafolc of Egyptum ; L. 13.35 SoOlice ic eow secge 
{) ge me ne geseoff oerpam pe cume se Sonne ge 
cweffaff : gebletsod sy se 8e com on drihtnes naman ; 
John 14. 29 nu ic eow scede, (Br9am pe hit gewurOe, p 
ge gelyfon ponne hit geworden biff; LS. 1. 240.25 
and geoffriaO pam godum cerpam pe ge beon getintreg- 
ode ; Inst. 374. 44 ne biff he wyrde p he husl underfo, 
cerpam 9e he hit gebete. Examples with the indica- 
tive : John 8. 58 Se hcelend cwceff to him : Ic w»s 
cer pam pe Abraham wees; LS. 1. 234.224 ne husel 
naes gehalgod cerpam 9e se hselend com. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 121 

Note 1. The a?r-connectives with fe seem to be lacking 
in the poetry, or abnost so, at least. I have noted no 
examples of eer 9am 9e. 

Note 2. Gothic faurfnzei offers a good parallel to this 
connective. I quote examples : M. 6. 8 Ni galeiko|) nu |)aim : 
wait auk atta izwar |)izei jus |)aurbu|), /ofir/^tB^' jus bidjai|) 
ina ; L. 2. 26 Jah was imma gataihan fram ahmin |)amma 
weihin ni saihwan dau|)u, faur]nzei sehwi Xristu fraujins. 

le. 8Br San 8e. 

The ^an-variety of the <»r-class does not appear 
in the writings of iElfred at all. It occurs once in 
Dial., five times in Chron. — all the cases in entries 
subsequent to 1040 — once in the Gospels, and is the 
prevailing form in iElfric's writings. It also occurs in 
the Hatton MS. of the Gospels. 

The spelling ear pan pe appears in this example: 
Chron. 163. 9 ear pan pe he bebyrged waere, call folc 
geceas Eadward to cynge on Lundene. The spelling 
ar fan 9e has been noted once : LS. 2. 74. 127 and 
axodon hwceOer he etan wolde ar fan pe he behame- 
lod wurde. 

^r fan fe occurs more frequently with the optative, 
though instances with the indicative are not lacking. 
Examples with the optative : Dial. 60. 2 he bebead his 
pegnum be him sylfum pus cwepende, peet paet pe hi 
gesowon, hi nanum men ne sffidon, cer pan pe mannes 
sunu fram deaOe arise ; M. 10. 23 Soplice ic eow 
secge, ne be-fara8 ge israhela burga cer pan pe mannes 
sunu cume ; LS. 1. 232. 202 Petrus hsefde wif (Br fan 
pe he weere gecyrred to cristes hirede. 

In this example the verb is lacking: LS. 1. 318. 
182 and he becom to helle, cerfan pe to his huse. 

Examples with the indicative: JEH. i. 566.9 and 
p»t wif 8urh 8a fserlican styrunge ne gymde hire cil- 
des cer fan pe heo to lande becom ; LS. 2. 282. 1008 



122 Chapter I 

Se halga wer swa-peah wiste pset hi wceron gefaetnode 
cer-pan pe he him to comon ; Wulf. 296. 22 and hu 
ic gepafode, p»t twegen cyningas foran of Rome mid 
here to Hierusalem psere burh, pe me wees burga 
leofost, asr pan pe hig mine beboda tobr»con, pe p»re 
burge pa geweald ahton. 

If. 8Br Son 8e. 

The number of examples with this connective is 
not large, though they occur in a wide variety of 
texts. This form occurs most frequently in Dial., 
Mart., and BIH. 

I have noted a correlative car in the main clause in 
four instances in BIH., thus : BIH. 165. 82 & hine air 
monnum gecypan & gesecgan teolode, cerpon pe he 
sylfa lifde & mennisc leoht gesawe. So also BIH. 
165.35; 167.1; 167.8. 

Both modes are found with car fan fe as the follow- 
ing examples show : BH. 282. 10 pes halga wer, a^r 
pon pe he biscop geworden wsere, tu asOele mynster 
he getimbrede ; Dial. 297. 8 se forOferde nu for twam 
gcerum on si&wxrce, ac hwene wr pan pe he swulte, 
he gecidge his cniht 7 hine het for8 gan 7 him 
gearwian his hrsege. 

In this example, as well as in the preceding one, 
the comparative nature of (bt is made clar by htcene : 
Mart 54. 9 ond htcene mrtan pe he his gast ageofe, 
he saede pcet he gesawe Crist selfne. 

MS. B. has pe for 9a in the example which follows, 
and that doubtless is the correct reading : Bo. 20. 9 
Hwa mcBg ponne auht o&res cwedan butan p pu 
wfiere se gesaslgesta pa pu me waere «r leof ponne 
cu8 7 or pan pa 8u cu8e minne tyht 7 mine peawas. 

Examples with the indicative : Laws 48. 19 pa after 
his flrowunge, car pan 9e his apostolas tofarene waeron. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 123 

. . . monega hadOna 8eoda hi gecirdon to Gode ; Mart. 
160. 19 ond hwaedre peah ne meahte nanig pone 
lichoman findan, <Br9on pe comon twa wif geleafuUe 
ond hine atugon of pam weetere. 

Ig. 8Br Sam. 

The number of examples of this sort is small, but 
they occur in texts ranging in date from Laws to LS. 
Probable the form is due to a shortening of car 9am 
9e. Still we find oer 9am used adverbially as in the 
sentence following, and the conjunctional use may 
have developed directly from that : Chron. 176. 21 
f> wolde Oyncan wundorlic aslcum men pe on Engla 
lande waes, gif cenig man a^ pam ssede p hit swa ge 
wurpan sceolde. 

We find both indicative and optative with apt ^aiw, 
and examples follow: CP. 241. 9 sua sua se iil, oer9(em 
he gefangen weorffe, mon m»g gesion aegder ge his 
fet ge his heafod ge eall Sast bodig ; LS. 2. 214. 892 
pa gelamp hit pset se casere traianus wass forOfaren 
<Br pam eustachius of pam gefeohte come. 

With the indicative : O. 64. 17 ffaet hie nane mild- 
heortnesse purhteon ne mehtam, cer pcsm him seo bot 
of 8aem cristendome com, pe hie nu swipost taela&; 
Mart. 110. 21 ond pa ne mihte hyra na&er fram o&rum 
beon adyded, cBr9am on morgen heora unrihtwysnys 
wses geopenod eallum folce. 

Ih. 8Br San. 

I have noted only one example of cer 9an^ which 
I quote: O. 168. 24 peh pe Romane sume hwile 
hasfdon swipor fleam gepoht ponne gefeoht, cer pan hie 
gesawon paet mon pa elpendas on paet gefeoht dyde. 

The rarity of this form is explained by the fact 
that 9an is used, for the most part, by iElfric alone, 
and that at the same time he almost invariably uses 



124 Chapter I 

the relative. In only one case do we find cer 9am in 
iElfric's writings, and cer tan or aer 9on not at all. 
Note 1. In OS. we find er than which ofifers a close 
parallel. It occurs with both optative and indicative, and 
I quote examples : Heliand 641 endi the kuning selbo gibod 
swiSo hardliko, herro Judeono, them wisun mannun, er than 
sie forin westar forS, that sie im eft gikuSSin, hwar he 
thana kuning skoldi sokean an is selSon; HeUand 4568 Nu 
ik in iuwes drohtines skal willeon seggian, that ik an thesaro 
weroldi ne mot mit mannim mer moses anbitan, fiirSur mit 
firihim, er than gifiillod wirSid himilo riki. 

IL 8Br Son. 

The number of a^r ^on-clauses is not great, but 
they occur in texts ranging firom OET. to BIH. We 
do not, however, find it all all in the writings of 
iElfric. 

It is most common in early texts, six of the 
examples being found in OET. In the Northumbrian 
Gospels cer ton frequently appears. 

I have noted two instances in which a correlative 
cer appears in the main clause, thus: Dial. 200. 22 
witodlice nyste man apt, hwylcum naman se aelpeodiga 
man genemned waes, cer pon se awyrgde gast, ... hin 
naman acleopode 7 ameldode ; Mart. 172. 1 asr ic me 
sylfne ofsla mid mine sweorde, cer 9on ic sende mine 
hond on pam fsemnan. 

We find both modes with cer ton : with the optative : 
Bo. 104. 31 ac ic sceal eerest 8in mod gefe&eran, Oset 
hit mcBge hit 8e y8 up ahebban cer ton hit anginne 
fleogan on 8a heanesse ; with the indicative : O. 46. 27 
On pfiem dagum wees swa micel ege from ffaem wif- 
monnum, psette Europe ne Asiam ne ealle pa neah- 
peoda ne mehton apencean ne acrasftan hu hi him 
wiOstondan mehten cer pon hie gecuron Ercol pone 
ent pfiBt he hie sceolde mid eallum Creca craeftum 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 125 

beswican; Dial. 126. 8 uneaOe he mihte pa word 
abeodan, car pon se awyrgda gaist towearp pone wah, 
pe peer getimbrod wees. 

Note 1. In the poetry this connective is found frequently, 
though the simple eer form is the prevailing one. I quote 
two examples from the Christ, one with the optative and 
the other with the indicative: Christ 544 Bidon ealle psr 
pegnas prymfulle peodnes gehata In paere torhtan b3rrig tyn 
niht pa gen, . . . ^rpon up stige ealles Waldend On heofona 
gehyld; Christ 857 Waes se drohtaff strong ^rpon we to 
londe geliden haefdon Ofer hreone hrycg. 

Ij. 8Br Sonne. 

This connective is very rare, only four examples 
having been noted in all. Of course, 9onne is regularly 
used in comparisons, and it is not surprising that we 
find it used with oir the conjunction, strengthening, 
as it were, the comparative force of (er. 

Wiilfing has an example from Smith's ed. of BH., 
for which Miller's ed. has cer fon. I quote the example 
from Wtilfing ^ : BH. 493. 32 to hyre gerestscipe ponne 
hire wer ne sceal gangan, cer ponne peet accennede 
beam fram meolcum awened si. 

I quote the examples I have noted: Bo. 117. 26 Ic 
wene 8eah p him losige se anwald (Br ponne pu wolde 
o88e hi wenen; Lch. 1. 360. 19 Gif pu gesyxt wulfes 
spor (Br ponne hyne, ne gesceppeff he pe. In the ex- 
ample quoted from Bo. the verb is lacking. Lch. 3. 
22. 4 syle wearm etan 7 on ufan drincon priwa on 
deeg, cer ponne he ete. 

Note 1. We find er thanne in Tatian, but not in Otfiid. 
I quote an illustration : Tatian 55. 4 Tho quad imo ther rihtary 
truhtin, nidarstig, er thanne arsterbe min sun. The Latin 
reads : priusquam moriatur filius meus. 

* 2. 117. 



126 Chapter I 

Ik. 8Br + ol)(]. (noon of tiine) + 8e. 

1 have noted only two instances of this sort. The 
construction is very similar to that we have noted 
before, under the caption, prep. + obj. (noun of time) 
+ 8e*, and demands no extensive treatment here. 
I quote the examples : M. 26. 29 Witodlice ic secge 
eow {) ic ne drince heonun-forff of pysum eorOlican 
wine cer pam dcege pe ic drince {> niwe mid eow on 
mines feeder rice ; Wulf. 123. 6 for&am nah senig man 
mid rihte to fulljanne hapenne man, gyf he ylde and 
andgyt hasfO, pset he geleomjan mseg hwset fuUuht 
meene, and hwast riht geleofa sy, cer pam byre pe he 
wite eal, hwset hit behealde. 

2 a. toforan Sam 8e. 

All the examples of toforan or foran to in conjunction- 
al phrases are in comparatively late texts. It is note- 
worthy that we never find beforan so used. The word 
is made up of the preposition to and the local adverb 
foran used in a pronominal sense. To/oran, then, is 
really equivalent to cer, and its use in this way may 
be regarded as the first step toward the Modem English 
use of before^ instead of cer, as a conjunction. I quote 
the one example I have noted with toforan fam fe as 
the connective: Lch. 1. 160.22 genim pysse wyrte 
seap pe we paUon nemdun, gemengc wi8 eced, smyra 
paer mid pa 8e {> yfel poligen, to/oran pam pe hyt hym 
to wylle. 

Note 1. In OS. we find ie-foran, but it is used only as 
a preposition. I quote an example : Heliand 1722 Ni skulun 
gi swinun teforan iuwa meregriton makon. In this example 
teforan may be regarded as an adverb. 

2 b. toforan Sam timan 8e. 

Only one example of this kind has been noted. 
This construction has been discussed so often that 

* p. 32. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 127 

no repetition is called for here. The example follows : 
Lch. 1. 206. 2 genim pysse ylcan wyrte twigu, befeald 
on wuUe, ster hyne paermid, toforan pam timan pe se 
fefor hym to wylle. 

2c. foran to Sam timan 8e. 

This, of course, differs from the preceding only in 
the place of the preposition. I quote both examples : 
Wulf. 86. 8 and peodscypas winnaO and sac8 heom 
betweonan foran to pam timan, pe pis sceal geweorpan ; 
Wulf. 89. 14 ffaet biff witodlice, paet he maende, we 
witan ful geome, pa sorga and &a samessa, pe on 
woruld becumaO, foran to pam timan, pe Antecrist 
wedeO and ealle woruld bregeff. 



F. CLAUSES INDICATING THE TIME OF THE TERAfl- 
NATION OF THE ACTION OF THE MAIN CLAUSE. 

la. o8 8»t. 

This is the most common connective used with 
clauses which indicate the time of the termination of 
the action of the main clause. Wtilfing's title for this 
division is : ^ Nebens^tze zur Angabe des Endpunktes 
der Handlung des tibergeordneten Satzes.'* 

Logically, feet is the object of the preposition, and 
the subordinate clause is in apposition with it. 

Very often the o9 ^cB^-clause expresses a result, while 
still keeping its temporal force.* The fact that the 
of fcet-clsiuse always follows its main clause is another 
evidence of its affinity to the result-clause, that being 
the regular order for such clauses. 

We find both modes with otfcei, but the indicative 
in much the larger number of cases. A full discussion 
of the mode will be found in the proper chapter, and 

^ 2. 119. * See the thesis of Dr. A. R. Benham. 



128 Chapter I 

so here only examples to illustrate the usage £is to 
mode will be found. 

The spelling fet has been noted in OET., Chron., 
and M, Asm., thus : OET. Vesp. Psalms 70. 18 ne forlet 
&u mec ot fet ic secge earm 8inne cneorisse aire &a 
toword is, maehte 8ine; Chron. 79. 14 hi peah pa 
ceastre aweredan o99et iElfred cyng com utan mid fyrde. 

The form oif 9<B8 found in the following example 
in due to a mere scribal error for o9 fcety as a com- 
parison with the readings of the other MSS. will show : 
BH. 332. 8 7 geryno onfeng, 7 pone unwemne geheold, 
of p€B8 he geeamode, paet he to his gesihOe becwom. 

The temporal element is very slight in such sentences 
as this, which are common in land-descriptions : Cart. 
2. 483. 4 ponne andlang paes maerhlinces oppe well 
baeminge 7 lang weges op pcBt hit cump to pam herpape. 

Examples with the indicative follow : Bo. 14. 26 9a 
geswigode se Wisdom ane ly tie hwile od p he ongeat 
paes Modes ingeponcas; LS. 1. 162. 263 Sume eac 
befaestan heora suna him to godes peow-dome, o9 pcet 
paer gadorod waes hund-teontig muneca and feowertig 
ealles ; Ap. T. 12. 13 ^Efter pisum wordum he eode 
on pone weg pe him getaeht waes, of feet he becom 
to pare ceastre geate 7 Oar ineode. 

Examples with the optative : BH. 254. 31 7 pa baad 
feower monaO, offcet him feax geweoxe, paet he to 
preoste bescoren beon meahte ; LS. 2. 170. 22 Paulus 
eode pa gleaw-lice and heora godas sceawode ealle 
be endebyrdnysse, and eac pa weofoda op pcet he 
funde on weofod pe pis gewrit on stod Deo-ignoto; 
Wulf. 304. 20 hit biO swyffe rihtlic lif and gode ge- 
cwemedlic, paet cniht purhwunige on his cnihthade, 
of P(Bt he on rihtre aewe gewifige. 

Note 1. Of feet occurs as frequently in the poetry as in 
the prose. I quote an example: Christ 307 Wlat pa swa 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 129 

wisfaest witga geond t)eodland Oppcet he gestarode |)aer gesta{>- 
elad waes lE^elic ingong. 

Note 2. 0£. o89cet appears as a9at or a9et in Middle 
English. I quote examples : Brut 3. 208. 20 he for-baS t)am 
kingen kine-helm to nimene a pat hin seolf comen, and setten 
hine an heore hafden ; Old English Homilies : In diebus 
Dominicis^ 19. 69 Louerd nu ic bidde l)e gef |)in wille is 
I)et I)u heom gefe rest la hwure I>en siume-dei a pet cimie 
domes-dei. 

Note 3. With OE. o<f (fast we may compare Modem 
German bis das^ as in this sentence: so wie ich nicht inne 
halte, bis das ire gerechtigkeit au%ehe. 

Note 4. In OS. unt occurs only as a preposition, but utU 
that is of frequent occurrence as a temporal conjunction: 
Heliand 450 That ger furSor skred utit that that fri9u-bam 
godes feartig habda dago endi nahto. Unz thaz in OHG. 
is used only adverbially : Otfried 1. 4. 70 unz thaz tharbe 
harto thero thinero uuorto. 

lb. o8 SsBtte (8e). 

In only a very few cases do we find the relative 9e 
used with dost to introduce a temporal clause. When 
we remember that it is used so frequently with other 
forms of the demonstrative in conjunctional phrases, 
this is rather surprising. In general, the form 9(xtte 
occurs more frequently in early texts, though the 
examples I have noted occur in texts ranging from 
Cart, to Nic. 

I have observed nothing in the use of toBi 9e in 
temporal clauses to bear out Dr. Shearin's theory 
that this form is more emphatically conjunctional than 
the simple tfoBt."^ In most of the instances, ifcet 9e is 
used in very brief sentences, and not merely when 
the main clause is long and complex. 

^ Morris, Specimens of Early English, Part I, Oxford, 1887. 

* H. G. Shearin, The Expression of Purpose in Old Elnglish Prose. 

k 



130 Chapter I 

The use of the relative with the demonstrative is 
perfectly logical, and should occasion no surprise. 
On the other hand, it is rather surprising that we do 
not find it in the writings of iElfric, who in general 
uses the relative in conjunctional formulae much 
more consistently than any other OE. writer. 

It seems that no one has regarded o9 fceUe, in the 
sentence which follows, as introducing a temporal 
clause. But so far as I know, o9 fast is not used as 
a preposition — much less, then, o9 fasUe. Such a use 
would indeed be difficult to account for. O. 66. 27 
Ac pa cyningas pe flefter Romuluse ricsedon weeron 
forcuOran 7 eargran ponne he w»re, 7 psem folcum 
laOran 7 ungetsBsran, o9 pceUe Tarcuinius, 8e we eer 
ymbe scedon, pe hira (eallra) fracopast waes — aegper ge 
eargast. ge wraenast, ge ofermodgast — ealra para Ro- 
mana wif [8a] pe he mehte he to (ge)ligre geniedde, 
7 his suna gepafode paet he laeg mid Latinus wife, &c. 

In the following example we have a confusion 
between the connectives of fane fceg 9e and o9 9cet 9e : 
Mart. 176. 26 pu bist dumb o9 pone 9<Bg o9 poet pe 
pis biO. 

Some examples to illustrate the normal use of the 
connective follow: BH. 260. 13 He 8a eac in Cent 
maessepreostas 7 diaconas hadode, o9past pe Theodor 
aercebiscop to his seOle cwom ; Nic. 480. 28 7 he 
geanbidiende waes godes ryces o9 p 9e cryst waes 
ahangen. 

We find o9 9(Bt te frequently in the Northumbrian 
Gospels. 

Ic. o88e. 

It is not altogether clear whether we should regard 
9e as the relative, or as a weakened form of 9oBt. 
I incline to the former view, though the fact that 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 131 

o9fe occurs a number of times in the Hatton MS. "of 
the Gospels, in which we find such a weakened form 
as sytifCy lends support to the latter theory. 

The number of examples is not large, only nine 
in all, and the greater part of them occur in early 
texts, four in Chron., three in the writings of iElfred, 
and two in LS. Besides these, I have noted five in- 
stances in the Hatton MS. of the Gospels, distributed 
as follows: M. 18.30; L. 15. 4, 8; John 21.22, 23. 
Both modes are found with offfe, but the optative 
occurs only twice. 

Examples follow : Chron. 98. 22 7 be drifon hie on 
anne pearruc, 7 be saeton hie paer utan, oppe hie him 
sealdon gislas, pset hie of Eadweardes cyninges 
anwalde afaran woldon ; O. 20. 31 AlecgaO hit Sonne 
forhwaega on anre mil pone maestan dsel fram paem 
tune, ponne oOeme, Sonne paene priddan, op pe hyt 
eal aled bi& on paere anre mile ; LS. 2. 42. 626 and 
geanbida min on pa healfe iordanen pe to worulde 
belimpeff oppe ic pe to cume. 

Note 1. Odlfe is found occasionally in the poetry: Beo- 
wulf 649 wiste l)aBm ahlaecan To paem heahsele hilde ge- 
t>inged, SiSSan hie sunnan leoht geseon [ne] meahton, Opde 
nipende niht ofer ealle, Scaduhelma gesceapu scriSan cwoman. 

Id. o8. 

In origin, o9 is a preposition denoting limit of 
motion. From this it soon passed into conjunctive 
use, probably through the dropping out of its object 
9cet in the more common conjunction o9 feet. 

The simple form of is found in almost all the texts, 
though it occurs more firequently than of feet in only 
Cart, and O. Of occurs very rarely in the writings 
of iElfric, save in his Old Testament translations. 

Both modes are found with of. Following are 

k 2 



132 Chapter I 

examples : Chron. 190. 21 he for su8 mid eallre paere 
scire ... o^ he com to Hamtune ; O. 218. 29 iEfter 
paem Mantius se consul for on Numentine, Ispania 
folc, 7 paer waes winnende op he genom frip wip paet 
folc ; Exod. 16. 34 Israhela beam aeton heofonlicne mete 
feowertig wintra, o9 hig comon to Chanaan lande. 

Examples with the optative : Sol. 59. 9 ^Efter 8am 
feorOan wit sceolon gyet spurian, nu pu pa 8reo wast, 
o9 8u aeac paet wite ; BR. 70. 18 And forOon on pa 
wisan mid hreowsunge daedbete, o9 hit pam abbode 
fulbet pince and hine geswican hate; Wulf. 3. 1 ac 
we synd pam gelicost gescapene on pisse worulde, 
pe sum cyning hate sum forworht wif don on carcem, 
and paet sy beameacen, and heo ponne cenne cniht, 
and se ponne sy 9aer afeded, o9 he sy twentigwintre 
o88e gyt yldra. 

Note 1. In the poetry olf does not occur frequently. 
I quote an example: Judith^ 293 Him mon feaht on last, 
maegeneacen folc, olf se maesta dael }>aes heriges laeg hilde 
gesaeged on Sam sigewonge, sweordum geheawen. 

Note 2. 09 is found in early Middle English, but soon 
disappears. 'Old English Homilies' : A Parable 2. 13 Ac t>is 
gesceod he hadde isett bi-tweone frend and fend pat t>an 
hi come mislice to berie gef he frend were me hine sceolde 
derewurdlice forS-clepien and do hine wasse and giefe him 
his formemete t>at him to lange ne t>uht to abiden o9 se 
laford to l>e none inn-come. 

Note 3. OE. o9 finds a parallel in the Gothic cognate 
unie : Mk. 6. 10 Jah qa{) du im : {)ishwaduh }>ei gaggai}) in 
gard, t>ar saljai}), unte usgaggai^) jainl)ro. OHG. unz, cog- 
nate with OE. o9i is used as a temporal conjunction, at least 
in Tatian. I quote an example : Tatian 44. 7 fraget thanne 
uuer in theru uuirdig si, inti thar uuonet unz ir uzfaret. The 
Latin is: et ibi manete donee exeatis. 

^ Ed. Cook. Boston, 1889. 

• Morris, Specimens of Early English, Oxford, 1887. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 133 

le. of SsBt. 

I have noted two instances in which this form 
occurs as a temporal conjunction, and a number of 
cases of of. I take it that this is a mere variation in 
the spelling of o9 fcet^ though I have found no state- 
ment in the grammars or lexicons to that effect. The 
spelling occurs only in very late texts. 

The two examples I have noted follow: Cart. 2. 
548. 1 7 ponne eft in on noddre niper and lang 
streames of past hit cum8 to pures fenne; Lch.3. 130. 
20 Nim cuppan fuUe waeteres 7 sealti 7 meng swype 
to gadere, of p sealt meltan sy. 

If. of. 

All the examples I have noted with this spelling 
occur in Cart. It is doubtless a late spelling for o9. 
Examples follow, all of which occur in descriptions 
of land-boundaries : Cart. 2. 304. 29 swa su8 ponan 
of hit cymO to paere holding stowe ; Cart. 2. 529. 35 
ponne ford west be hagan of hit sticaO aeft on clinc- 
an leage. 

Ig. swa lange . . . o8 Seat. 

This connective doubtless owes its origin to a con- 
fusion of constructions. The writer begins with an 
idea of result, but so modifies it that he makes the 
clause expressing result temporal as well. 

Eighteen of the twenty-five examples noted occur 
in iEH. and LS. Chron. has two examples. Dial, two, 
and BR., Lch., and BIH. one each. In all but three 
cases we find the divided form. Those which differ 
follow: Dial. 101. 18 7 waes paer pa gewylwed swa 
lange^ of peel he panon code of him gewundod eallum 
lichaman; iEH. 1. 2S2. 7 pa bododon hi swa lange 
o8 pcet pa Oweoran hi ofslogon ; LS. 2. 362. 126 Hi 
spraecon pa swa lange^ o9 past, he to ge-leafan beah. 



134 Chapter I 

In such examples ais the following, the result-idea 
involved is very clear: LS. 2. 230. 166 Began 8a to 
bodigenne pa godspeUican lare 9u>a lange pam scea&an 
op paet he ge-lyfde on god; JEH. 1. 304. 29 swa lange 
he aeteowde his wundra 8am haB8enum folce otpcet hi 
geleafFuUe waeron. 

Note 1. I have not been able to find a parallel to this 
construction in the poetry. 

Note 2. I have noted a similar construction in Middle 
English : Brut 3. 200. 13 Bruttes pat long heolden wel swi^e 
hnge, a f ASestan pe stronge, pe king of pissen londe, heom 
binom pas londes alle. 

Ih. swa lange o8. 

This connective owes its origin to the same con- 
fusion of constructions that gave us 9wa lange . . . 

I have noted only five examples, all of which I quote : 
Chron. 169. 8 he forweomde swi8e swa lange o9 his 
sciperes ge fengon hine ; Chron. 180. 8 Da wi8 laeg 
se cyng sume hwile peah, ewa lange o9 pet folc pe 
mid pam eorle wes, wear8 swi8e astyred ongean pone 
cyng; Bo. 121.20 For8aem hi ne lyst spyrian aefter 
aelcre spaece swa longe o^ hi p riht witen; Cart. 3. 
284. 19 pa sprsec hit faestlice Byrhsige D3nincg swa 
lange of pa witan pe pa waeron gerehton Eadgife, paet 
heo sceolde hire faedres hand ge claensian be swa 
myclan feo ; Jos. 7. 16 and eode paet gehlot swa lange 
o9 hit becom to pam ilcan men pe paet man gefirem- 
ode. 

Note 1. With this construction is to be compared Modem 
German so lange bis, thus : er qu^te mich so lange, bis ich 
that, &c. 

IL swa 8wy8e • • • o8 88Bt. 

This conjunction is the result of the same sort of 
confusion between the result- and temporal ideas, or 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 135 

fusion of them, that produced swa lange o9 toet. I have 
noted only three instances, all of which I quote : Dial. 
220. 9 se hit me saede 7 pus cwae8, paet nu for fif 
gaerum hit gelumpe on Romebyrig, past Tifrestream 
waes upp gangende 7 swa swife weaxende, of pcet 
hyre waeter 7 yOa fleowen ofer pa weallas ; Dial. 248. 23 
witodlice hit gelamp, paet pa ypa reSgodon in heora 
peawe 7 waeron upp ahafene for para winda mycel- 
nessum s%oa awife, op poet of pam scipe waeron pa 
naeglas forlorene ; Wulf. 206. 22 and seo eorfle weoU 
ongean pam heafonlican flode swa swyte^ o9 ffcet paet 
waeter waes heahre, ponne aenig munt aefre waere. 

Ij. swa lange Sadt. 

The clauses with this connective so approach the 
result-force that it is difficult to decide to which cate- 
gory they should be assigned. Both connotations must 
have been in the mind of the writer in most of the cases. 

Five of the six examples are in Chron., the other 
in Laws. I quote all, since they are so few, and so 
doubtful in some cases: Chron. 117.24 7 waes paer 
pa swa lange P se arcebiscop Oswald of Eoforwic waes 
forO ge witon. In the following example probably the 
result-idea is predominant: Chron. 117. 30 waes paer 
sfva lange p man sette him to biscop on Wintan ceastre ; 
Chron. 177. 23 8a lengde hit man swa lange P seo scip 
fyrd eall belaf. The next example is the only one 
in which / does not follow swa lange directly : Chron. 
178.1 7 eodon paer up 7 hergodon swa lange paer/ 
{) folc geald heom swa mycel swa hi heom on legden ; 
Chron. 179. 25 pa for aeft ongean to Wiht 7 paer 
abutan be pam sae riman swa lange P hi comon to- 
gaedere Harold eorl his suna ; Laws 226. 7 Da geraeddan 
witan, paet hit betere waere, paet man aeure tymde, 
8aes hit aerest befangen waere, swa longe poet man wiste. 



136 Chapter I 

hwaer hit aetstandan wolde, fly laes 8e mon unmihtigne 
man to feor 7 to lange for his agenan swencte. The 
Latin for this reads: Unde consuluerunt sapientes, 
quod melius erat, ut saltem advocaretur ubi depre- 
hendebatur, donee innotesceret, &c. 

Note 1. I have noted a parallel in Middle English: Brut 
2. 116. 19 Heo eoden swa longe forS ward, />a/ heo comen 
in aenne orchaerd. 

Ik. Sadt. 

The ideas of time and result lie very close to one 
another in all the clauses of the un^tV-division ; but, 
in the case of those with dijd as the connective, it is 
most often impossible to assign them definitely to 
either one of these categories. In most of the examples 
from Chron. probably the primary notion is that of 
time, though the result-element is usually present; 
but in some few cases I cannot see that there is 
any connotation of result at all. 

In this first sentence the temporal force is clear; 
moreover MS. C. has od and MS. D. o99e\ Chron. 
92. 5 pa rad se cyning mid firde d he gewicode aet 
Baddan byrig wid Win human ; Chron. 143. 14 7 
wende swyde raOe abutan East Englum in to Humbran 
mu8an 7 swa upp weard andlang Trentan pet he com 
to Gegnes burh ; Chron. 213. 4 7 pa Brytta hine 
heoldon / se cyng com of Franc land. The idea of 
result is most prominent in this example: Chron. 
267. 1 7 besaet heom d per waes inne mikel hungaer ; 
O. 160. 31 hie peah swa ondraedendlice gebidon ixxi 
se ege ofergongen waes, 7 paer sippan waelgrimlice 
gefuhton; Lch. 1. 340. 25 Wi8 lip adle, genim cwi- 
cenne fox 7 seo8 / pa ban ane beon laefed; Inst. 
486. 52 gyf ponne hwa mid hwylcum unaemtan genyd 
sy, / he to paere maessan cuman ne maege ne to paem 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 137 

aefensange, ponne swa-peah gewunige he faestende, p 
he wite {> seo maesse 7 se aefen-sang sy gesungen; 
Byrh. 300. 1 1 ponne beo8 pi geare preo hund daga 7 
feower 7 fiftig daga fram easter tide pcet he eft cume. 

Note 1. The following lines from Layamon's Brut present 
a parallel use of pcet in Early Middle English : Brut 8. 207. 14 
And J)us heo wuneden here, wel feole gere, pat J)ae children 
weoren muchele iwaxen. 

2. hwonne. 

The use of hwonne in the sense of until doubtless 
developed through its regular use in indirect questions. 
Indeed, in many of the cases in which I have con- 
strued it in this sense, it still lies close to the ordi- 
nary use in such clauses. 

The nine examples I have noted occur in texts 
ranging from BH. to Wulf., though five are in the 
writings of Alfred. . 

I quote freely, believing that the peculiarities of 
meaning and use will be brought out thus more clearly 
than by discussion : BH. 178. 22 p alihte se eoredmonn 
7 paet gebaete of ateah, 7 paer hwile bad, hwonne 
his horse bet wurde oflpe he hit paer dead forlete. 
The Latin for this is: coepit expectare horam qua. 
BH. 186. 23 pa waes sume daege, paette he sorgende 
baed hwonne seo adl to him cwome ; Bo. 14 . 10 Wa- 
lawa f> 8a ungesaeligan menn ne magon gebidon 
hwonne he him to cume, ac forsceotaS hine foran; 
CP. 121.il Se yfela 8eow cui8 on his mode: Hit 
bi8 long hwonne se hlaford cume ; JER. 1. 140. 19 
and 8inc8 him to lang hwcenne he beo genumen of 
dyses lifes earfo8nyssum ; BIH. 109. 32 ah he paer on 
moldan gemolsnap & paer wyrde bidep, hwonne se 
aelmihtiga God wille pisse worlde ende gewyricean; 
Wulf. 286. 11 swa oft, swa he paerinne waes, him 



138 Chapter I 

puhte aefre to lang, hwonne he moste beon ymbe paes 
lichaman oferfylle and ymbe his agene unpeawas. 

Note 1. Hwonne is occasionally so employed in the poetry, 
thus : Christ 147 Nu hie softe I>aes bidon in bendum Hwonne 
Beam Godes cwome to cearigum. 

Note 2. With this use of hwonne in OE. we may com- 
pare the OS. hwan in combination with er, as in this example : 
Heliand 105 That werod oSar bed umbi thana alah utan, 
Ebreo-liudi, kwan er the firodo man gifrumid habdi waldandes 
willeon. 

8 a. fort(e). 

I have observed this connective only in Lch. 3. It 
is made up of for + to, which becomes forte, and then 
fort. In one of the examples we have the spelling 
forte, thus : Lch. 3. 102. 17 Nim panne swa haette swa 
he haettest forbere maege 7 habban an dael on hys 
mupe, forte acoled beo. The examples are all similar, 
and one or two will suffice for illustration: Lch. 3. 
118. 26 do par piper to 7 lege to pan sare, fort pe man 
wearmie ; Lch. 3. 130. 15 ete panne a morgen, fort he 
full sy. 

Note 1. I have noted forte in Middle English, and quote 
examples: Brut 2. 171.17 l)e name stondej) pare, /orfe pat 
Dence men driuen vt pe cnihtes; Piers Plowman A. 11. 119 
Leve him on thi luft half a large myle on more, Forte thou 
come to a court Kep-wel-thi-tonge-From-lesynges-and- 
lygeres speche. 

8b. swa lange fortpan. 

I have noted only one example with this connective, 
and this I quote : Lch. 3. 88. 23 laet hyne liggen swa 
lange fortpan eara hit habben eal gedrucan. 

4. tlL 

Only two instances of the use of this conjunction 
have been noted. These occur in the entries of the 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 139 

Chron. for the years 1137 and 1140. The word was 
probably introduced into English by the Danes, and 
still occurs in the Scandinavian languages. 

In Danish it was also used as a preposition, but 
occurs only as a conjunction in Chron. I quote the 
examples: Chron. 263. 32 pa pe king Stephne to 
Engla lande com pa macod he his gadering aet Oxene 
ford 7 par he nam pe b Roger of Sereberi 7 Alexander 
of Lincol 7 te Canceler Roger hise neues 7 dide aelle 
in prisun tU hi iafen up here castles ; Chron. 267. 27 
paer efter scae ferde ouer sae 7 hi of Normandi wenden 
alle fra pe king to eorl of Angaeu sume here pankes 
7 sume here unpankes for he be saet heom tU hi a 
iauen up here castles. 

Note 1. The use of til became common in the Middle 
English period, gradually displacing otf tfceU I quote an 
example : Piers Plowman C. 7. 186 Suche werkus with ous 
were neure out of seson, Til we myghte no more. 

5a« o8 + obj. (noui of time) + 8e. 

This construction is already familiar to us, and 
therefore demands no extended treatment here. The 
nouns of time are iirst^ tid, dmg, byre^ and tima\ and 
the only case, as is to be expected, is the accusative. 

Some examples follow: Chron. 99. 29 7 pa saeton 
hi ute on pam iglande aet Steapan Reolice o9 pone 
fyrst pe hi wurdon swyde mete lease ; BH. 42. 12 peos 
sibb awunade on Cristes cyrican, 8a pe on Brytene 
waeron, o9 9a tide pe se Arrianisca gedweola aras; 
L. 1. 20 And nu pu byst suwiende 7 pu sprecan ne 
miht, o9 pone dceg pe 8as 8ing gewur8ap; LS. 1. 508. 
337 paet hit mid him paer-inne laege to swutelunge 
o9 ffone byrepe hi god aelmihtig awehte ; Chron. 142. 10. 
7 hi heafdon pone arcb mid him swa lange o9 pone 
timan pe hi hine ge martyredon. 



140 Chapter I 

Note 1. An example of the parallel construction in Gothic 
follows : L. 1. 20 Jah sijais ^ahands jah ni magands rodjan 
und pana dag et wairl)ai I>ata, du^e ei ni galaubides waurdam 
meinaim, {>oei usfiilljanda in mela seinamma. 

Note 2. I quote an example of the same construction 
from the poetry : Beowulf 2400 Swa he niSa gehwane ge- 
nesen haefde, sliSra geslyhta, sunu EcgI>iowes, ellen-weorcan, 
oS pone arme dceg, pe he wi9 I>am wyrme gewegan sceolde. 

5b. o8 + ol](j. (noun of time) + Sadt. 

Only two instances of the use of the demonstrative, 
instead of the relative, in this construction have been 
noted. These are to be regarded as early instances 
of a use of ffcet which has since become common. 

The two instances follow: Bo. 116. 10 7 wunode 
mid hire o9 tone first {> his degnas him ne mihton 
leng mid gewunian; Guth. 8. 11 and hi da samod 
waeron o^ Jjone fyrst pcet God foresceawode paet paet 
wif mid beame geeacnod waes. 

6a« to Sam 8»ge 8e. 

I quote the two instances, which I have noted of 
this full form of the formula with to : MH. 2. 288. 6 
We wena8 paet ge ealle on andwerdnysse her ne beon 
to fam dcege pe we past godspel raedan sceolon; LS. 1. 
516. 488 waeron . . , to 9am dcege pe hi eft awocon. 

6 b. to Sam HbbL 

This form of the connective occurs only with the 
negative expression nces ncenig (nan) htoil^ and occurs 
most frequently in Guth., though it is very rare even 
there. I quote the only example with the dative that 
I have observed: Guth. 46. 22 Naes pa nan hwil to 
pam 9(Bt he geseah ealra^ wihta and wildeora and 
wurma hiw in cuman to him. 



The Connectives of the Temporal Clause 141 

6 c. to Son Sadt. 

Two examples with the instrumental have been 
noted in Guth., and are quoted here: Guth. 50. 12 
Naes pa fuxnig hwil to pan pcet he to scipe eode, se 
ylca pe past gewrit wrat ; Guth. 96. 19 Naes pa ncenig 
whil to pon pcet him his frynd on paere stowe brohton 
to Cruwlande. 

Note 1. I have observed the same construction in Beo- 
wulf 2592 Naes ^a long to pon, pat 9a aglaecean hy eft 
gemetton. Here also we have the negative expression pre- 
ceding, &c. Compare also Beowulf 2846. 

6d. to Son • • • SaBt. 

The one example of this sort differs from those 
which precede, only in that tost does not immediately 
follow its antecedent. We have the usual negative 
expression preceding : Epis. 146. 180 Da naes long to 
pon in paem westenne poet we to sumre ea cwoman. 

6e. to Sam. 

It is not clear whether in this case we have a 
construction similar to those considered above, with 
9ast omitted, or whether the writer forgot the con- 
struction with which he began, and began a new sen- 
tence. The passage in question follows : Guth. 54. 23 
Swylce naes eac niBnig htcil to pam coman paer pry 
men to paere hySe, and paer tacn slogon. 

6f. to Sadt. 

This connective is found once, in the entry for 

1137 of Chron., thus: Chron. 264. 13 Me dide cnotted 

strenges abutan here haeued 7 uurythen to 9 it gaede 
to pe haemes. 

7. Se gyt Se. 

This expression is clearly best rendered by until^ and 
is to be analyzed as follows : stilly when^ that is until. 



142 ChapUr II 

It occurs in Chron. in the entry for the year 1116: 
Chron. 246. 34 Bis waes swi9e ge swincfuU gear 7 
byrstfuU on eord waestman purh pa ormaete reinas pe 
coman sona onforan August 7 swi8e ge drehton 7 
ge swencton pe gyt pe com Candel maessan. 



CHAPTER n. 

A. THE MODE IN THE TEMPORAL CLAUSE. 

Here we have to consider the indicative, the opta- 
tive, and the so-called modal auxiliaries mugan, sctUan, 
motafiy and toillan. We shall order our division accord- 
ing to the sixfold division of clauses that we made 
for the particles, believing that differences in the use 
of mode, when such exist, are due to the different 
time-relations on which this grouping is based. 

This for the indicative and the optative ; but since 
the discussion of the auxiliaries is so largely in regard 
to meaning, a separate division will be devoted to them. 

1. The Mode in Clauses indicating time when. 

As is to be expected, the indicative is the prevailing 
mode in such clauses. 

When the optative does appear, it is due usually to 
some peculiarity of the main clause, and not to the 
time-relation of the two clauses. The most common 
cause for the use of the optative is an imperative in 
the main clause, though often it appears in clauses 
belonging to indirect questions, in object-clauses 
introduced by 9cety or is due to attraction. In most 
of these cases the action of the temporal clause belongs 
to the future, and always has a doubtful or hypothet- 



The Mode in the Temporal Clause 148 

ical character. Sometimes it is difficult to assign a 
definite reason for the mode ; it seems to be the result 
of the general, indefinite character of the sentence in 
which it appears. 

The indicative is so common in such clauses that 
it would be superfluous to transcribe examples: for 
instance, the optative does not occur at all in clauses 
with 9a^ and almost any page of OE. will yield one 
or more clauses with this connective. 

I quote a few examples of clauses with the optative, 
indicating in each case what I conceive to be the 
reson for the choice of mode : Sol. 4. 16 and ponne 
pu 8e gebeden habbe^ awrit ponne pset gebed ; Lch. 1. 
106. 18 7 ponne hit hat «y, lege ofer pa cymlu 7 ge- 
wri8 Saerto; BR. 91. 6 Swa oft, swa hy apor oSpe 
meon, oppe senig ping niwes under/on, betaece a past 
ealde. In clauses of this type, the optative in the 
temporal clause may be explained as due to a striving 
for symmetry in mode, in other words to a kind of 
attraction. This is the view advanced by Hotz^, and 
adopted with some modification by Mather*. Dr. Mather 
rather adds a reason for the desise for symmetry than 
modifies the theory. He says : 'The speaker introduces 
a strong subjective element into the sentence by the 
expression of his own desire or command. He there- 
by falls out of the role of mere reporter, and ex- 
presses a particular interest in the relation. This 
element of will may extend through the whole sen- 
tence and influence the verb of the protasis, which 
becomes subjunctive, the proper mode for the ex- 
pression of will or wish. The subjunctive in such 
clause is then rather adhortative, at least in origin, 

' G. Hots, The Subjunctive Mood in Anglo-Saxon, Zurick, 1882, p. 55 ; 
also p. 33, note. 

* The Conditional Sentence in Anglo-Saxon, p. 8. 



144 Chapter II 

than potential or hypothetical.* I agree with this in 
the main, but think that the uncertainty attached to 
an event merely conceived and still in the future 
is sufficient in itself to account for the mode, at least 
so for as temporal clauses are concerned. Delbriick^ 
says : ' Sodann ein Uberall im germanischen erscheinen- 
der typus, n^mlich bei optativischem vordersatz ein 
nachsatz mit einer verbalform imperativischer Be- 
deutung. Wie bei dem entdprechenden typus mit 
jabai wird durch den optativischen vordersatz aus- 
gedrlickt, dass der sprechende den eintritt des satz- 
inhaltes als m5glich (wahrscheinlich, bevorstehend) 
in aussicht nimmt* 

BH. 76. 5 Du fhigne eac swylce, ponne wiif cen- 
nende tooere, aefter hu feola daga heo moste in circan 
gongan. In this example the optative is due to its 
occurrence in an indirect question, or to the hypo- 
thetical nature of the whole sentence. 

The following are examples of the optative appear- 
ing in object-clauses: CP. 807. 11 he gehett 8«t 
he sua don wolde, Sonne he eft anne on 8flBm yte- 
mestan d»ge ; PPs« p. 61. 14 and he witegode eac 
paet ylce be Ezechie, pe lange aefter him wses, pset 
he sceolde paet ylce don, ponne he alysed wcsre aet 
Asirium. 

In the following sentence, we may regard the mode 
of the temporal clause as being due to that of the 
verb on which it depends: BH. 76. 11 Forpon peah 
pe heo in pa ilcan tiid, pe heo acenned hc^be, Gode 
poncunge to donne in circan gonge, ne bid heo mid 
naenige synne byrflenne ahefigad; CP. 889. 36 Ond 
eac fordaem daette hie fly faesSlicor & 8y untweogend- 
licor gelifden Sara ecena Singa, swa hwanne swa him 
da gehete, Sylaes . . &c. 

> Der Germanifche Optativ im SaUgefttge, p. 288. 



The Mode in the Temporal Clause 146 

The hypothetical nature of the whole sentence leads 
to the use of the optative in the following example : 
Dial. 261. 11 ac efne hit is gelic paere wisan, pe man 
hwylc beameacen wif genime 7 saende in carcem 7 
heo paer ponne caende cniht, 7 ponne se cniht 8% ge- 
boren, paet he sy afeted in pam carceme. 

In the following examples, both from Wulf., the 
change of tense is hard to account for. Evidently 
we have here the beginning of the Modem English 
use of were as an optative : Wulf. 147. 22 pa geongan 
men hopjad, p»t hi moton lange on pissere worulde 
libban, ac se hopa hi bepsecS and beswicS, ponne him 
leofost wcere, paet hi lybban moston; Wulf. 189. 5 
and uton gecnawan, hu laene and hy lydre pis lif 
is on to getruwjanne, and hu eft hit wur8 raSost 
forloren and forlaeten, ponne hit tvcere leofost ge- 
healden. 

The optative form in such examples as these, all 
found in late texts, is evidently due to the weakening 
of the ending, and we have really to do with indi- 
catives : LS. 1 . 634. 764 and mid py pe hi in becomen 
pa gemetton hi on pa swidran hand ane teage ; Chad. 
146. 178 7 mittes hine fregnaden his ginran fur hwon 
he p dyde, pa andwyrde he him 7 cwe8. 

In a few cases the optative and the indicative stand 
in the same construction, thus: CP. 468. 4 Saet he 
hine selfne ne forlaete, Saer he o8erra freonda tilige, 
& him self ne afealle, 8aer 9aer he o8re tiolad to rae- 
ranne ; Wulf. 140. 28 ponne pu smercodest and hloge, 
ponne weop ic biterlice. 

Remark. It must not be inferred that we always find the 
optative after an imperative. There are exceptions, though 
they are not numerous. Examples follow: Lch. 8. 2. 6 last 
reocan in pa eagan I)a hwile hy hate synd; Jos. 8. 7 
ponne fare ge to, mid pam pe we fleonde beof, and gegaS 

1 



146 Chapter II 

t)a buruh. Fleischauer^ states the principle thus, that the 
optative is used when the action of the subordinate clause 
is conceived as preceding that of the main clause, the in- 
dicative when it is contemporaneous with it 

Note 1. All the dissertations on the syntax of OE. poetry 
agree, in almost the same words, in saying that the indi- 
cative is the prevailing mode in temporal clauses. Only two, 
however, mention the use ' of the optative in such cases as 
we have been discussing. Prollius * says : ' Die temporals&tze 
stehen im conj. d) nach hwonne, wenn der inhalt des satzes 
der unsicheren zukunft angehOrt, e) ebenso nach potme^ 
Schttrmann' makes a similar statement: 'Der Konjunctiv 
findet sich hier zweimal zum Ausdruck der blossen MOglich- 
keit, deren etwaige Verwirklichung in der Zukunft liegt.* 
There are the only attempts to account for the optative in 
such sentences that have been observed. 

Note 2. In Gothic, according to Douse ^, the optative is 
used in clauses of this kind, much as in OE. He says : ' Some 
other temporal conjunctions take the indie, or subj. according 
as their clauses refer to actual &ct or to what is merely 
possible or still in the future; in the latter case the tem- 
poral clause is generally attached to an imperative, optative, 
or subjunctive clause. Examples with the optative : a) after 
an imperative, M. 6. 6 {>u }>an bidiais, gang in heI>jon {>eina. 
b) in an object clause, John 14. 29 qua}) inzwis . . . ei, bi{>e 
wairl)ai, galaubjai]).* I do not find that there are examples 
of the optative in temporal clauses, due to such causes as 
led to its use in OE., in either OS. or OHG. But in the 
latter language we find the optative so used in the closely 
related comparative clause. Erdmann^ says: *In anderen 
Fallen ist der Vergleichsatz mit dem Satze zu welchem er 
gehOrt in den Conj. verschoben, ... So beim Imperative ' : 

* Der ConjttiilEtiv in der Cura Pastoralis, 255. 

* Ober den STnUctischen Gebrauch des Conjunctivs in den Qrnewulf- 
schen Dichtimgen ^Elene/ 'Juliana/ und Crist 57. 

' Darstellung der Syntax in Cynewulf* s Elene, 387. 

* Introduction to the Gothic of Ulfilas, 255. 
■ Syntax der Sprache Otfrids, 113. 



The Mode in the Temporal Clause 147 

IV, 80. 82 irdeilet imo thare, so wizzod iwer lere. Roetteken^ 
informs us that the same usage prevailed in Middle High 
Grerman: ' tibergeordneter Imperativ des Hauptsatzes zieht 
auch hier oft den Nebensatz in den Conjunktiv: 868. 1 Nu 
wahset alle mit einander di wile ez gotes wille 5fV 

Note 8. Erdmann* says : * Im Nhd. ist jetzt der Conjunctiv 
beschdlnkt auf den FaU, dafi das Eintreten des Neben- 
umstandes mit zum Inhalte des Befehles gehOrt und vom 
Sprechenden beabsichtigt wird, Schiller, Tiirandot 5. 2 teile 
sie mit einem wiird*gen Gatten, der klug sei und den Mftchtigen 
nicht reize.' 

Note 4. For the Latin, Lane ' says, speaking of quando : 
' quando, originally a temporal particle, has the meaning 
when, which readily passes over to a causal meaning, since, 
because. In both meanings it introduces the indicative. For 
special reasons, however, the subjunctive is used, as in in- 
direct discourse or of action conceivable.' 



B. THE MODE IN CLAUSES DENOTING IMMEDIATE 

SEQUENCE. 

The indicative is the mode regularly found with 
clauses of this kind. The optative is found, but very 
rarely, and then is generally to be accounted for by 
the fact that the main clause contains an imperative 
or an adhortative optative. 

Since most of the examples quoted in discussing 
the particles denoting immediate sequence^ have the 
indicative, it will not be necessary to illustrate the 
normal use here. I pass to the optative, giving the 
reason for its use in each case. 

1 Der Ziuammengesetzte Satz bei Berthold von Regensburg, p. 51. 

* Grundztlge der deutschen Syntax, p. 166. This contains the best gene- 
ral discussion of the optative dependent on imperatives and that due to 
attraction, pp. l64ff. 

* George M. Lane, A Latin Grammar, 1898, p. 34 1. 

* p. 62ff. 

1 2 



148 ChapUr II 

BR. 101. 8 Sona swa he paet gewrit uppan jK)ne al- 
tare alecge, beginne pis fers and pus cwepe; Lch. 8. 
122. 7 haete hym man beep, swa hrade swa hys wisa 
godige. In both of these examples the optative is 
due to the command expressed in the main clause. 

O. 76. 9 he . . . getruwade paet he hiene beswican 
mehte, sippan he binnan 8aem gemaere wcere 7 wic- 
stowa name; Dial. 817. 7 7 he saede, past sona swa 
he wcere of pam lichaman atogen, p»t he gesawe 
helle witu 7 unarimendlice stowa para ligea. In these 
examples, the optative is explained by the fact of their 
occurring in object clauses. 

These two categories include all the optatives 
which I have noted in clauses denoting immediate 
sequence. 

Note 1. In none of the dissertations on the poetry have 
I found any mention of the optative in clauses denoting 
immediate sequence. 

C. THE MODE IN CLAUSES DENOTING DURATION, 

Again the indicative is the prevailing mode, and as 
before no reson for introducing examples exists. The 
optative, when it is found, is most often due to an 
imperative or hortatory optative in the main clause. 

Examples follow: Chron. 168. 11 healde pa hwile pe 
him God unne ; BR. 74. 17 and ne beo ymbe his 
radinge, pa hwile pe pa o8re rcedan; Lch. 2. 262. 9 
ne do pu ponne mid sealte pa blaedran on, ac on 
forewearde pa adle penden p sar Icest 8te. 

The optative appears in an object-clause : Inst. 899. 20 
And we laeraO p aenig wifman neah weofode ne cume, 
pa hwile pe man mcessige; Cart. 2. 217. 12 Ba wil- 
nede yEpelbald swa peh to pam bisceope 7 to pam 
higen p heo him mildemode alefdan p he his most 
brucan 8a hwile pe he wcsre. 



The Mode in the Temporal Clause 149 

In the following examples the optative is caused by 
attraction: CP.63. 19 Ac pinsige aelc mon hiene selfne 
geome, flylaes he durre underfon 8one lareowdon Saes 
folces 8a hwile 8e him aenig undeaw on ricsige; Dial. 
329. 6 paet naenig man paer ne onfehd noht paere 
claensunge haele be pam laestum synnum, nymde he 
geeamige aer pa hwile pe he on pysum life «y mid 
godum daedum. In all these examples, the indefinite 
and hypothetical character of the content of the tem- 
poral clause has much to do with the determination 
of the mode. 

In this example the optative would seem to be due 
merely to the general character of the sentence, and 
not to any specific characteristic : CP. 6. 12 gedon . . . 
daette eal sio giogu9 pe nu is on Angel kynne, friorra 
monna . . . sien to leomunga oOfaeste, pa hwile pe, hi 
to nanre oflerre note ne moagen. 

The reason for the optative in the examples which 
follow is not clear to me : Guth. 86. 1 pas ping pe ic 
aer nolde naenigum woruld-men secgan, pa hwile pe 
ic lifigende wcere^ ic hit pe wylle nu onwreon and 
gecypan ; HL. 198. 122 he a mid him wunian wolde 
pa while pe his lif wcere and his lare geomlice hlystan. 

Note 1. Prollius* alone, of all the writers on the sjnitax 
of 0£. poetry, mentions the use of the optative in clauses 
denoting duration. He says : ' Deijenige temporale neben- 
satz, welcher aussagt, dass w£Lhrend der dauer einer realit£lt 
eine andere realit£lt stattfindet, also der temporalsatz der 
gleichzeitigkeit wird im ae. durch die conjunction penden 
eingeleitet, welche, wenn nicht besondere einfi(isse vorliegen, 
den indicativ nach sich hat. . . . Der conjunctiv steht, wenn 
der temporale nebensatz imter dem einflusse eines haupt- 
satzes ist, der enth^t : 1. einen wunsch, 2. eine absicht, dies 
wird im hauptsatze ausgedrOckt durch finales pOBL^ 

^ Ober den syntactischcn Gebrauch des Conjunctiys in den Cynewulf- 
schen Dichtungen ' Elenc/ * Juliana,' und * Crist/ p. 28. 



160 Chapter II 

D. THE MODE IN CLAUSES DETERMINING THE TIME 
OF AN ACTION BY REFERENCE TO A PRECEDING 

ACTION. 

As we should expect, the indicative is the normal 
usage for clauses expressing this time-relation. The 
optative, when found, is to be explained in ways such 
as we have already discussed. Examples follow. 

Here the optative occius on account of the command 
in the main clause : Sol. 46. 10 Si88am he ponne pat 
gelaeomod htehhe paet his eagan nanwyht paet iyr ne 
onscyniaO, hawie ponne on steorran and on monan. 

Optative in an object-clause: CP. 446. 82 hit is 
awriten Oaet him waere betere 8aet hi no soSfaestnesse 
weg ne ongeaten, Sonne hi underbade gecerden, si88an 
hi hine ongeaten. 

The general optative nature of the whole sentence 
seems to lead to the choice oi mode here : O. 212. 28 
Hit bip eac geomlic past mon heardlice gnide pone 
hnescestan mealmstan aefter paem paet he pence pone 
soelestan hwetstan on to geraeceanne. 

Note 1. Furkert^ notes the optative after sMtin^ and 
says: 'Hier steht der Konjunktiv, da die Handlung in un- 
bestimmter Zukunft liegt' 



E. THE MODE IN CLAUSES DETERMINING THE TIME 
OF AN ACTION BY REFERENCE TO A SUBSEQUENT 

ACTION. 

In clauses expressing this relation, the optative is 
the prevailing mode, as in all the Germanic languages. 
Probably originally this mode was used because of 
the element of uncertainty which attaches to an event 
still in the future. But the use of the optative be- 

^ Der syntactische Gebrauch des Verbums in dem angeUHchsUchen 
Gedicfate vom heiligen *' Guthlac/ 23. 



The Mode in the Temporal Clause 161 

came conventional in such clauses, and is used even 
in statements relating to past events, the reality of 
which could not be a matter of doubt, and which 
could not be influenced by any feeling of optativity. 

Thus the use of the optative in this sentence, of 
which sort there are many in O., must be purely 
conventional : O. 40. 1 1 JEr 8am tfe Romeburg getim- 
bred wcsre syx hund wintran 7 fif, in Egyptum wearS 
on anre niht fiftig manna ofslegen, ealle fram hiora 
agnum sunum. 

That the indicative is not found merely after a ne- 
gative main clause hardly needs statement; but the 
principle seems to obtain in the other Germanic dia- 
lects, and has been supposed to exist for OE.^ 

All the instances of the indicative with eery or any 
other connective of this class, occur in statements of 
fact in past time. Schtirmann' says : ^ Wenn die Hand- 
lung als Faktum hingestellt wird, so steht hier der 

Indikativ Soil dagegen dieselbe als beabsichtigte 

Folge Oder als bloss gedacht hingestellt werden, so 
wird der Konjunktiv verwendet.' 

Though this is not altogether true, for very often 
we have the optative in simple narrative of facts, yet 
I think the relatively small number of indicatives is 
to be accounted for on this principle. The feeling 
of the reality of the action of the (i^r-clause is, in 
these cases, so strong that it led to the use of the 
indicative, rather than the conventional optative. 

The use of the indicative with cer is rare enough 
to have led even so capable a scholar as Mr. Sweet' 
into such a statement as this: 'The conjunction cer 
is always followed by the subjunctive, even in simple 

^ Hotz, Use of the Subjunctive Mode in Anglo Saxon, p. 17. 

* Darstellung der Sjmtax in Cjmewulfs * Elene/ p. 388. 

* An Anglo-Saxon Reader, Oxford, 1876, p. XCV. 



152 Chapter II 

statements/ However, about one-fourth of the total 
number of clauses I have noted have the indicative. 
Some examples of <Br with the indicative follow: 
Chron. 253. 16 8es ylce geares ffir se biscop of Lin- 
colne cam to his b rice for beam eall meast se burh 
of Lincolne; JEH. 2. 96. 7 Se apostol Petrus haefde 
wif and cild, and eac sume 8a o8re apostolas, aer hi 
to Cristes lareowdome gecyrdon; Wulf. 15. 11 forOam 
he naes na aer mann aer he for ealles middaneardes 
alysednesse sylfwilles menniscnesse underfeng purh 
pffit claene madden Sea Marian. 

Note 1. All the dissertations on the syntax of OE. poetry 
state the &ct that the optative is the rule for clauses intro- 
duced by ofT. Only three make mention of the use of the 
indicative in these clauses: SchOrmann, whose words we 
have quoted, Prollius, and Hertel. Prollius ^ refers the reader 
to Hotz for an explanation of the indicative after a negative 
main clause, and concerning the indicative after a positive 
main clause says : ' die inhalte dieser nebensHtze sind in der 
vergangenheit liegende thatsachen, welche filr das die aus- 
sage machende subject des hauptsatzes voile realit&t haben, 
mid von diesem objektiv als solche wiedergegeben werden, 
daher wohl der indicativ zu erkUlren.' Hertel' merely men- 
tions the fact that we find the indicative with eer, and ofifers 
no explanation. 

Note 2. In Modem English, the optative is occasionally 
found after conjimctions meaning before. This is, no doubt, 
due to the same causes which led to its use in OE., namely 
the feeling of imcertainty which attaches to an event still 
in the future. Some examples follow : Shakespeare, Comedy 
of Errors, V Kneel to the Duke, before he pass the abbey ; 
Byron, Childe Harold 1. 90 How many a doubtful day 
shall sink in night. Ere the Frank robber turn him firom his 
spoil, and Freedom's stranger-tree grow native of the soil ; 
Bulwer, Last Days of Pompeii IV. 15 I advise thee, Sosia, 

^ Syntactischen Gcbrauch des Conjunctivs in Elene, Juliana u. Crist, p. 29. 
' Der syntactische Gebrauch des Verbums in dem ae. Gedichte Crist p. 20. 



The Mode in the Temporal Clause 153 

to delay no longer, seize her ere she quit the garden. In 
Modem French we find the optative with avant que, under 
the same conditions that lead to its use with before. 
I quote examples : Gil Bias V. 1 Elle dit a Soliman : Seigneur, 
avani que vous prononciez mon arret, daignez m'ecouter; 
Montesq^ Cons. Rom. La religion chretienne degenera sous 
Tempire grec au point ou elle etait de nos jours chez les 
Moscovites, avani que le czar Pierre ler eut fait renaitre 
cette nation. 

Note 8. The optative is the rule in aU the Germanic 
languages for clauses introduced by the respective equiva- 
lents of OE. ofr, but in all of them the general principle 
also is that only after a negative main clause do we find 
the indicative. Even into Middle High German this rule 
persists, and examples of ar-clsLuses with positive main 
clauses are rarely met with before this period. Since ex- 
amples with the optative have been quoted in the dis- 
cussion of the particles, none will be found here. 



F. THE MODE IN CLAUSES INDICATING THE TIME 
OF THE TERMINATION OF THE ACTION OF THE 

MAIN CLAUSE. 

The most common connective introducing clauses 
of this kind is of ffa^, and the prevailing mode is the 
indicative. 

By far the greater number of optatives which we 
find in these clauses is to be explained by the pre- 
sence of an imperative in the main clause, their oc- 
currence in object-clauses, or by the principle of 
attraction. 

There are cases, however, which call for another 
explanation. In clauses such as the following we 
find the optative, because the action of the temporal 
clause belongs to the future, and is felt as uncertain : 
CP. 425. 16 &. swa swa we sigon aer on Oeet unalief- 



154 Chapter II 

ede, 08 8»t we afeolUm, swa we sculon nu forberan 
OaBt aliefede, o88ffit we arisen. In the first off feet- 
clause we have the indicative, because of the fact in 
past time, in the second the optative is used, because 
of the uncertainty attached to the future. These 
clauses partake somewhat of the nature of the pur- 
pose-clause, for an event which is still in the future 
may be the object aimed at, and so require the op- 
tative^. 

Other examples of o9 8M with the optative follow : 
BH. 268. 7 Is p»t hwelc wundor, peah 8e he pone 
dsBg his deaOes o8I>e ma pone Drihtnes daeg bliOe 
gesege, pone he symle sorgende bad, 08 paet he cwome ? 
Bo. 51. 20 ac ic sceal he sumre byse siune anlicnesse 
paere wisan 8e fetaecan 08 8e pffit ping cu8re »>. 

Note 1. Those of the writers on the syntax of the poet- 
ry, who have spoken of the optative in clauses with o99€et 
agree in saying that the indicative 'drdckt das Faktum 
aus: . . . der konjunktiv die Erwartung.'* ProUius* says: 
*Der conjunctiv steht, wenn der nebensatz unter dem ein- 
flusse eines im hauptsatze ausgedrdckten wunsches steht oder 
wenn sein inhalt der unsicheren zukunft angehOrt, was durch 
ein im hauptsatze stehendes gebidan angedeutet wird.' 

Note 2. Dr. Baldwin^ says concerning the subjunctive in 
temporal clauses in Malory: 'a present subjunctive, corres- 
ponding to the present subjunctive in anticipatory and 
ideal conditions, stands regularly in temporal clauses looking 
toward the future and involving the idea of condition, doubt 
or contingency. Examples : 195. 6 we shaUe neuer departe 
tyl the one of us ^ dede; 206. 5 I shalle abyde tyl God 
send you here ageyne.' 

Note 8. In Modem English the optative is occasionally 

^ Cf. Hotz, The Subjunctive mood in Anglo-Saxon, p. 37. 

* Schflrmann, Ssmtactischen Gebrauch des Conjunctivs in Elene, &c. 
389. Reussner, Syntax Andreas, p. 20. 

* Syntactisclien Gebrauch des Conjunctivs in Elene, Juliana, Crist, p. 28. 

* Inflection and Syntax of the Morte d' Arthur, p. 65. 



The Mode in the Temporal Clause 165 

found after conjunctions meaning unHL Doubtless the same 
cause leads to this occasional use that more frequently pro- 
duced the optative in OE. Some examples follow: Irving, 
Sketch Book At the fall of the leaf, when his tail falleth, 
he will mourn and hide himself in comers, till his tail come 
again as it was ; Carlyle, Heroes and Hero Worship, A Man's 
acts are slavish, not true but specious, his very thoughts 
are fedse, he thinks too as a slave and coward, till he have 
got Fear under his feet 

Note 4. The rule in Gothic for the mode in clauses in- 
troduced by unte, seems to be the same as prevails in OE. 
I quote an example with the optative: 1 Korinth 11. 26 
swa ufta auk swe matjait> t>ana hlaif jat> t>ana stikl drigkait>, 
daut>au fraujins gakannjait), unte qimai. I do not find that 
unz in OHG. ever has the optative because the event lies 
in the future. Erdmann^ notes the optative after an impera- 
tive, 'and nach conjunctivischem Absichtsatze.' 

2. The so-called Modal Auxiliaries. 

We pass now to the auxiliaries mugan, aculan, 
motan, and willan. The first point to be noted is the 
relative infrequency of occurrence in temporal clauses. 
Dr. Shearin* found about 480 clauses with these 
auxiliaries in the 3000 purpose-clauses which he exa- 
mined, while I have noted only about 460 in the 
eight thousand or more that I have studied. 

In the purpose clause, tcillan occurs least often, but 
in the temporal clause mugan occurs most frequently. 

In regard to the meaning of these auxiliaries, and 
that is the point about which most of the discussion 
of them has centered, little need be said here. Every 
writer on OE. syntax has thought it necessary to 
treat them, so that whatever I might say, based on 
the study of the comparatively few examples which 
have occurred to me in the course of my work, would 

^ Syntax der Sprache Otfrids, p. 123. 

* The Expression of Purpose in OE. Prose, p. 100. 



156 Chapter II 

add nothing to our knowledge of their meaning, now 
indeed pretty well understood. 

Mugan, then, in the temporal clause is always equi- 
valent to Latin possum^ and the ability may be either 
in respect to physical or psychological circumstances. 

Sculan denothes either obligation or necessity, most 
often perhaps the latter. Motan denotes opportunity, 
and is equivalent to the Latin mihi licuU, though 
occasionally it seems to border on the meaning of 
mugan, and to denote ability. Willan was originally 
an optative in all the Germanic languages, and in 
the temporal clause in OE. always has its primary 
meaning of desire. 

These are, then, in general the root-meanings, so to 
speak, of which the shades that may be distinguished 
are mere variations, and these are almost as numerous 
as the examples and the investigators dealing with 
them. 

None of these auxiliaries is ever used in temporal 
clauses as mere substitutes for the optative. They 
preserve their primary meaning, and themselves take 
the optative under the same circumstances that lead 
to its use in the case of any other verb. In a few 
instances both sculan and mllan seem to tend toward 
their Modem English use as tense-auxiliaries, but 
this never becomes so pronounced as to involve any 
loss of their usual meaning. 

I quote examples to illustrate some of the more 
interesting uses of these auxiliaries. In this example 
mugan approaches nearest to being modal of all the 
instances in which it occurs in temporal clauses : LS. 
1. 196. 80 Stanas magon hnexian and past starce isen 
on leades gelicnysse aerOan pe se geleafa maege of 
agathes breoste beon sefre adwaesced. 

That willan was felt as a tense-auxiliary even in 



The Mock in the Temporal Clause 167 

OE., is clear from these examples taken from ^Ifric^s 
Grammar. He translates the Latin sentence: Uideo 
te docturum esse, ic geseo, past 8u wyU tscan^. So, 
again: docturus sum eras pueros, ic wylle tcecan to 
merigen pam cildum'. This example will illustrate 
the use of sculan as a tense-auxiliary : LS. 2. 28. 406 
pa ic sceolde in on pa dura gangen, pa ong^unnan 
hi butan ffilcere Iffittinge ingangan. 

The meaning of motan, and its difference from mugan, 
is very well seen in examples of this kind, which are 
frequently met with, especially in BIH. and Wulf : 
BIH. 96. 26 Forpon we sceolon nu gepencean, pa 
hwile pe we magon &. motany ure saula pearfe, pe Iffis 
we foryldon pas alyfdon tid, &. ponne willon ponne 
we ne magon ; Wulf. 27. 5 ac do hu manna gehwylc, 
swa him mycel pearf is, geswice yfeles and bete his 
misdaeda pa hwile, pe he mage and mote; JEVL. 1. 
268. 81 gif he ffir geswipan nolde, pape he mihte and 
moate. Once we find the conjunction omitted, prob- 
ably a mere error of the scribe, and the auxiliaries 
stand together: BIH. 115. 20 Uton we ponne paes ge- 
pencean, pa hwile pe we magon moton, peet we us 
geome to gode pydon. 

By way of summary, then, the prevailing mode in 
the OE. temporal clause is the indicative, save in 
clauses with connectives rendered by Modem English 
before. 

When we find the optative in clauses other than 
these, it is due to an imperative in the main clause, 
or to its being in an indirect question or in an object- 
clause, or more rarely to the general indefinite cha- 
racter of the sentence. The indicative with connec- 
tives of the aer-class occurs only in clauses of fact 
in past time, and is due to this circumstance. The 
^ 150. 18. * 152. 10. 



168 Chapter III 

auxiliaries mugan, sculan, motan, and wiUan in temporal 
clauses, almost without exception, have their full in- 
dependent meaning, though in the case of wiUan and 
sculan there is already a noticeable tendency toward 
the later use as tense-auxiliaries. 



CHAPTER ffl. 

POSITION OF THE CLAUSE AND WORD 

ORDER. 

The position of the temporal clause in OE. is very 
free. Indeed it may occupy any one of the three 
possible positions : that is to say, it may precede the 
main clause ; it may follow it ; or the temporal clause 
may stand between different members of the main 
clause. 

This interposition of the temporal clause is met with 
less frequently than either of the other positions, and a 
clause so placed is likely to be of a parenthetical 
nature. This is true of all the clauses except those 
with o9 (ffogt), which always follow their main clause. 

I have nothing to add, of a general nature, in 
regard to the order of words to the results set forth 
by Dr. C. A. Smith, ^ but I have noticed that in all 
the clauses introduced by swa followed by a super- 
lative, hra9o8ty oftosty lengest, the subject, and nothing 
else, is always placed between swa and the super- 
lative. 

My study has led me to believe that this principle, 
laid down in Bosworth-ToUer, is much more freely 
violated than is usually supposed : ' When the word 

' Order of Words in Anglo-Saxon Prose. 



PosUion, Word Order, Sequence, Negative 159 

9a stands at the beginning of a clause, and may be 
translated by then^ the verb generally precedes its 
subject; if it is to be translated by when^ the subject 
generally precedes the verb.' 

SEQUENCE OF TENSES. 

As in all other languages, the general principle is 
the familiar one of Latin Grammar — principal tenses 
depend upon principal tenses, and historical upon 
historical. 

But this fact is to be explained by the logical 
relation of the action of the two clauses, and not by 
any influence of the verb of the main clause on that 
of the dependent clause. Indeed, Professor Hale^ 
showed that this is true for Latin, for which the 
doctrine of the sequence of tenses has been taught 
religiously for centuries. We are not surprised to 
note, then, occasional violations of sequence in OE. 
I quote only one example to illustrate: O. 220. 10 
ponne hie from gesaelgum tidum gilpaO; ponne wceron 
pa him selfum pa ungesaelgestan. 

NEGATIVE. 

The negative of the temporal clause is ne or na^ 
or both. 

' The Sequence of Tenses in Latin (Am. Jour. Phil. 7. 8). 



CONCLUSION. 

In closing this study, it may be desirable to recap- 
itulate some of the most obvious results arrived at: 

1 . The surprising number and variety of the connec- 
tives used to introduce the temporal clause. 

2. The fact that 7a, the most common of the 
connectives, is used only with the preterite tense of 
the indicative mode. 

3. The fact that certain connectives, or groups of 
connectives, are found, for the most part, only in a 
definite group of writings, 

4. That iEliric seldom omits 9e from the conjunc- 
tional formulae. 

5. That the syntax of the temporal clause is essen- 
tially the same throughout the OE. period, save that 
different writers, in the same period as well as in 
different periods, use different connectives. 

6. That cer and its variants have the indicative in 
about one-fourth of the cases in which they occur. 

7. That flpr, when used with the indicative, usually 
occurs in narratives of fact in past time, and that the 
mode has the effect of emphasizing the actual occur- 
rence of the action of the clause. 

8. That the indicative is the prevailing mode in all 
clauses, save in the cjpr-clauses. 

9. That the occurrence of the optative in clauses 
other than those of the cpr-type is usually due to 
peculiarity of the main clause (the presence of an 
imperative, &c.), and that hypothetical or indefinite 
character in some measure leads to the use of the 
optative in such cases. ^ 

^ Cook, A First Book in Old English, p. 104. 



Conclusion 161 

10. That the use of the optative does not decrease 
perceptibly in the later period of OE., so far as the 
temporal clause is concerned. 

11. That the so-called modal anxilianes mugan^ sculan^ 
motan^ willan have their full verbal content, and are 
not used as a mere paraphrase for the optative. 

12. That these auxiliary verbs take the optative 
under precisely the same circumstances that ordinary 
verbs do. 

18. That the use of the auxiliaries does not increase 
noticeably in the later period of OE. 

14. That sculan and willan^ though preserving their 
full independent meaning, show a tendency to pass 
over into the use of tense auxiliaries. 

15. That the position of the temporal clause is free, 
save that the o9 (Av^)-clause always follows the main 
clause. 



m 



APPENDIX I. 
Index-List of clauses (8861). 

A. CLAUSES DENOTING TIME WHEN (6760). 

1. Index-List of ^-Clauses (1641). 

GET. (4) indie. 177. 8; 178. 86: without tfa in the main 
clause; Vesp. Psalms (psalm and verse.) 118. 82: indeten 
177. 16. 

Chron. (90) indie. 2. 10, 11, 12; 6. 8, 12; 30. 4, 18; 38. 7 
37. 10; 87. 6; 88. 1, 28; 91. 5; 103. 5; 112. 29; 124. 30 
127. 27; 129. 29; 133. 4; 134. 19; 136. 28; 138.24; 139. 1 
8, 20; 141. 7; 142. 1 ; 143. 4, 26; 146. 13; 147. 28; 164. 28 
169. 6; 172. 17, 18, 20; 174. 26; 176. 7; 176. 17; 180. 3 
190. 2; 196. 6, 10, 16, 18, 22, 28; 203. 13; 207. 7, 13; 223 
28 ; 224. 31 ; 229. 22 ; 246. 7, 13 ; 269. 20 ; 262. 34 ; 263. 32 
267. 18, 21 ; 268. 23, 26 : without Ifa in the main elause 
84. 34; 86. 16; 86. 31; 97. 19; 128. 19; 200. 9; 209. 36 
indeter. 30.10; 86.11; 96.9; 97.17; 136.21; 144.4; 148.6 
161. 7; 178. 39; 180. 16; 181.38; 196. 6; 204. 23; 207.26 
208. 22; 216. 6; without tfa in the main clause; 18. 18 
216. 33; 234. 3; 237. 36. 

Cart. (27) indie, vol. 1: 80. 26; 429. 10; voL 2: 176. 16, 
18, 25; 177. 10; 236. 24; 237.4; voL 3: 283. 22; 284. 17: 
without tfa in the main elause ; vol. 2 : 236. 20 ; vol. 3 : 370. 
33; 371. 26; 372. 11; 390. 11; 636. 21; 630. 6; inteder. 
vol. 2: 236. 16, 80; 237. 16, 18; vol. 3: 329. 14; tfonne in 
the main elause; vol. 2: 179. 9: without da in the main 
elause; vol 2: 282. 26; vol. 3: 216. 6; 369. 29; 372. 11. 

Laws. (7) indie, without tfa in the main elause; 42. 17; 
140. 22 ; 181. 33 ; 210. 37 ; 220. 26 : indeter. without tfa in 
the main elause; 114. 21 : with tfa in the main elause 214. 26. 



Appendix I 



16S 



PPs. (40) (psalm-number and verse) indie. 29. 7: (page 
and line) 5. 12 ; 22. 1 ; 28. 28 ; 24. 24 ; without 9a in the 
main clause; (psalm-number and verse) 9. 6; 84. 8; 87. 11 
(page and line), 5. 14, 16; 7. 5, 6; 9. 8; 10. 16; 14. 16, 17 
20. 10, 11, 14; 22. 5; 27. 1, 8, 6; 28. 12; 42. 19; 6% 15 
16; 55. 28; 65. 6; 82. 1, 5; 109. 6; 115. 14: indeter. (psahn 
number and verse) 80. 26: without 9a in the main clause 
(page and line) 10. 12, 18 ; 18. 1 ; 42. 21 ; 49. 18 ; 101. 12 

O. (179) indie. 88.80; 40.15; 48. 5; 56. 80; 60. 12; 62.7 
64. 29; 66. 85; 68. 21; 84. 27; 88. 80; 100. 4; 112. 84 
118. 4; 128. 5; 180. 25; 182. 29; 184. 10; 188. 8, 21; 140 
20; 144. 27; 146. 19; 150. 11; 154. 10; 160. 10; 166. 22, 88 
168. 15; 170. 17, 22; 174. 2, 24, 29; 178. 21; 180. 17, 28 
194. 17; 196. 9; 198. 30; 204. 38; 206. 15; 216. 29; 218. 81 
222. 1 ; 280. 22 ; 288. 6 ; 240. 18 ; 246. 28, 29, 82 ; 252. 10 
254. 18 ; 256. 10, 18 ; 258. 88 ; 286. 81 ; 288. 26 ; 294. 21, 80 
without 9a in the main clause ; 8. 28 ; 44. 17 ; 62. 26 ; 64. 9 
66. 6, 10, 31; 76. 6; 78. 10; 80. 14; 82. 12, 24; 92. 29 
94. 11. 18; 98. 5; 104. 11 ; 110. 20, 24; 122. 84; 184. 26, 27 
186. 11, 22; 138. 21, 24; 140. 80; 148. 22; 156. 26, 84 
174. 15; 176. 18; 184. 2; 186. 10; 188. 27; 192. 28; 194 
10,19; 198.15,21; 200. 18; 206. 27; 208. 34; 212. 8,5 
214. 12; 218. 10, 11; 222. 21; 224. 18, 84; 228. 9; 240. 4 
244. 8, 9; 248. 6; 256. 15; 258. 18, 19; 262. 3; 288. 8, 21 
290. 11; 294. 9: with 9onne in the main clause; 142. 27 
indeter. 19. 24; 52. 6; 66. 88; 68. 25; 78. 29; 118. 82; 148 
26; 148. 14, 16; 152. 4, 88; 156. 1 ; 160. 8; 164. 29; 166. 80 
182. 29; 186. 22; 194. 4; 202. 1, 24; 204. 27; 206. 1; 222 
13; 224. 11; 228. 18; 230. 19; 236. 8; 240. 81; 242. 4, 80 
246. 20 ; 254. 18, 25 ; 282. 7. 10 ; 284. 82 ; 286. 17 ; 290. 18 
25; 294. 4: without 9a in the main clause; 18. 9; 40. 19 
62. 30; 74. 31; 76. 10, 21; 84. 19; 112. 11; 122. 82; 172. 8, 
26; 186. 28; 196. 28; 242. 18; 288. 17. 

BH. (155) indie. 38. 2; 46. 12; 118. 6; 120. 17; 126. 8 
156. 31; 166. 28; 176. 6, 10; 178. 28; 180. 2, 29; 188. 13 
192. 20; 204. 2; 222. 26; 286. 18; 242. 18; 246. 28; 248. 18 
252. 10; 260. 22; 276. 5; 282. 28; 284. 9; 296. 21 ; 306. 6 
308. 8, 18 ; 818. 5 ; 326. 14 ; 328. 28 ; 334. 30 ; 886. 8 ; 340. 4 



m 2 



164 Appendix I 

354. 3 ; 356. 4 ; 860. 27 ; 366. 26 ; 372. 20 ; 374. 6 ; 378. 22, 
28; 380. 16; 382. 14, 20; 384. 1; 390. 23, 25; 394. 8. 19 

396. 5, 31; 400. 27; 402. 3, 32; 406. 9; 410. 3; 412. 28 
416. 31 ; 444. 4 ; 446. 25 ; 450. 23 ; 474. 23 ; 486. 17, 26 
wit}v>ut 9a in the main clause ; 6. 19 ; 34. 12 ; 50. 29 ; 88. 20 
90. 31; 112. 2, 25; 116. 18; 124. 29; 148. 9; 174. 12; 176 

3, 30; 182. 10; 188. 17, 31; 192. 7, 22; 196. 10; 198. 26 
200. 21 ; 202. 21 ; 204. 18 ; 208. 7, 26 ; 214. 34 ; 224. 8 
230. 2; 270. 27; 288. 9; 290. 30; 300. 22; 306. 10, 15; 320 
21 ; 322. 15 ; 326. 1 ; 358. 31 ; 378. 27 ; 390. 8 ; 432. 26 ; 484 
14; 444. 13; 454. 18; 456. 20; 472. 2: with to/ in the main 
clause ; 48. 21 ; 154. 28 : indeter. 36. 29 ; 38. 13 ; 84. 3 ; 122. 
32; 156. 20, 29; 172. 30; 208. 21; 218. 4; 234. 27; 260. 3 
298. 3; 336. 29; 346. 22; 368. 19; 370. 26; 382. 29,. 33 
392. 22; 396. 29; 404. 12; 410. 24; 412. 4; 420. 15; 448. 17 
486. 24: without ffa in the main clause; 34. 9; 70. 22; 92 
12; 120. 11; 144. 7; 188. 3; 232. 10; 256. 33; 274. 28 

290. 9; 302. 23; 366. 8; 378. 12; 406. 20; 444. 18. 

Bo. (18) indie. 7. 23; 13. 20; 18. 20; 68. 9; 103. 12; 
115. 17: without 9a in the main clause; 13. 24; 15. 28; 
17. 8; 19. 15; 40. 4; 50. 26; 58. 27: indeter. 115. 19; with- 
out 9a in the main clause; 1. 8; 11. 5; 20. 9; 33. 22. 

SoL (4) indie, without 9a in the main clause; 20. 2; 34. 
16; 61. 34. indeter. without 9a in the main clause; 35. 14. 

CP. (118) indie. 7. 1; 33. 15; 109. 8; 155. 4; 385. 21; 

397. 29 ; 405. 30 ; 419. 11 ; 423. 14 ; 457. 31 ; 465. 19 : without 
9a in the main clause; 27. 13, 25; 31. 16; 33. 10; 39. 21 
57. 19; 73. 2; 85. 23; 89. 16, 17; 93. 13; 99. 11; 103. 11 
113. 2; 115. 14; 117. 3, 6; 121. 1; 123. 5, 9; 129. 20, 22 
131. 1; 133. 6; 139. 1; 145. 4; 151. 20; 159. 9; 161. 19 
165. 3, 24; 169. 18, 20; 173. 7; 181. 10, 13; 207. 10, 14 
213. 4; 222. 7; 237. 12; 239. 14; 245. 4; 247. 13; 267. 14 

291. 19; 295. 6; 307. 9, 13; 313. 6; 335. 23; 343. 7 ; 353 

4, 18; 355. 14; 361. 25; 379. 23; 381. 10, 23; 385. 19; 387 
29; 391. 9; 395. 26; 397. 32; 401. 26; 421. 34; 423. 12 
425. 34; 427. 31; 435. 8; 441. 30; 443. 19; 447. 15; 451 
7, 36; 457. 25; 459. 20; 463. 24; 465. 16: indeter. 35. 19 
49. 6, 8 ; 121. 18 ; 155. 3 ; 197. 12 ; 201. 4 ; 389. 18 ; 405. 36 



Appendix I 165 

419. 9; 457. 88: without Sa in the main clause; 85. 18 
87. 4; 39. 8, 14; 97. 11; 125. 6; 129. 17; 147. 18; 199. 16 
257. 12; 287. 10; 811. 4; 858. 2; 857. 22; 415. 4,28; 465.25 

Dial. (60) indie. 15. 10, 85 ; 51. 18 ; 68. 1 ; 87. 5 ; 88. 26 
99. 8; 111. 25; 117. 18; 119. 24; 186. 20; 248. 1; 272. 7 
290. 24 ; 802. 20 : without Sa in the main clause ; 6. 4 ; 16. 28 
85. 31; 51. 19; 58. 1; 72. 29; 78. 80; 77. 10; 88. 9; 128 
21; 126. 31; 129. 84; 145. 14,29; 155. 21; 167. 12; 168.6 
181. 17; 194. 7; 202. 28; 208. 28; 281. 12; 288. 10; 240 
23 ; 806. 7 ; 829. 8 : indeter. 17. 18 ; 39. 17 ; 57. 10, 18 ; 99. 11 
114. 10; 179. 18; 188. 16; 198. 20; 279. 24; 288. 9: without 
9a in the main clause; 46. 29; 89. 2; 202. 5; 221. 20; 251. 
20; 274. 10; 846. 19; 847. 85. 

M. (Ill) (ch. and v.) indie. 2. 1, 9; 5. 1; 8. 1, 14, 18, 28 
9. 4, 10, 11, 18, 27, 28; 11. 7; 12. 24, 46; 18. 25, 26; 14 
26; 17. 22, 24, 25; 18. 31; 20. 8, 9; 21. 18, 28, 88, 45; 22 
22, 84, 41 ; 24. 8 ; 26. 6, 80, 47 ; 27. 1, 8, 17, 19, 24, 82 
without ^a in the main clause; 1. 18, 19; 2. 10, 19; 3. 7 
16; 5. 1; 8. 16; 9. 28, 25, 82, 86; 12. 2, 9; 18. 54; 14. 18 
15, 28, 80, 82, 84, 85; 15. 7; 16. 5; 17. 6, 8, 9, 14; 26. 21 
26, 89 ; 27. 58, 54, 57 ; 28. 18 : indeter. 2. 8 ; 4. 12 ; 7. 28 
8. 5, 10; 11. 2; 18. 46, 58; 14. 13; 19. 15, 22; 21. 10, 84 
22. 7, 11, 18, 88; 25. 5; 26. 10, 71; 27. 84: without 9a in 
the main clause; 2. 22; 4. 18, 21; 11. 1; 12. 8; 14. 14, 28 
15. 29; 18. 24, 25, 28; 19. 1; 20. 3; 21. 12; 27. 4. 

Mk. (65) (ch. and v.) indie. 14. 8; 16. 11 : without da in 
the main clause; 1. 82, 87, 42; 2. 5, 8; 3. 11, 21; 4. 4, 10; 

5. 6, 22, 80 ; 6. 21, 80, 85, 88, 46, 47, 49, 58, 54 ; 7. 2 ; 9. 9, 

14, 20, 25, 30, 88; 10. 14; 11. 4, 18; 14. 11, 85; 15. 24, 89; 
16. 1, 4: indeter. 5. 86; 18. 1; 15. 8, 45: without 9a in the 
main clause; 1. 16; 2. 14, 17, 28; 4. 6; 5. 18, 21, 27, 89; 

6. 1, 16, 24, 84; 7. 80; 8. 17; 9. 28, 36; 10. 17,47; 11. 11, 

15, 27. 

L. (108) (ch. and v.) indie. 2. 17; 5. 12; 7. 18, 24; 8. 28, 
84, 45; 9. 11, 84, 86, 54; 10. 88; 11. 14, 58; 18. 6; 16. 5, 
28; 17. 14; 19. 11, 88; 22. 56, 66; 24. 4: without 9a in the 
main clause ; 2. 6, 15, 27, 89, 42, 48, 45 ; 3. 19, 21 ; 4. 20, 
40; 5. 1, 4, 6, 8, 20; 6. 18; 7. 4, 6, 10, 20, 87, 89; 8. 5, 27, 



166 Appendix I 

40; 9. 18, 82, 47, 61, 67; 10. 81, 32, 38; 11. 1, 17, 29; 18. 
12; 18. 16, 24; 19. 16; 20. 14, 16; 21. 1; 22. 14, 40, 46, 61, 

63, 60 ; 28. 7, 26 ; 24. 8, 6, 16, 80, 82, 48, 44 : indeter. 1. 41 ; 
7. 12 ; 8. 22 ; 18. 17 ; 14. 1 ; 16. 14 ; 19. 87 ; 20. 1 : without 9a 
in the main clause; 1.22; 6.1; 7.1,8; 8.42,60; 9.42; 11.27 
16. 26 ; 17. 11, 12 ; 18. 86, 86, 40 ; 19. 29, 41 ; 28. 6 ; 24. 40, 61 

John (70) (ch. and v.) indie. 2. 22 ; 4. 8, 46, 61 ; 6. 6 ; 6 
12, 19, 24; 7. 10, 14; 8. 7, 9; 9. 1, 40; 18. 2; 18. 1, 22, 88 
19. 26, 80; 20. 22 ; 21. 16, 21 : without 9a in the main clause 
1. 19, 60; 2. 28; 4. 6, 64; 6. 6, 17, 26, 71 ; 8. 80; 11. 82, 61 
12. 12, 41; 18. 12; 17. 12; 19, 28; 20. 6, 20; 21. 9, 14 
indeter. 2. 8 ; 4. 1 ; 6. 16 ; 9.6, 86 ; 11. 4, 20 ; 18. 6 ; 19. 18, 28 

21. 7, 19, 20: without 9a in the main clause; 1. 48; 2. 9 
7. 9, 40; 9. 14; 11. 6, 29, 48; 12. 17, 87; 18. 21; 14. 25 
18. 82; 21. 18. 

BR. (1) indie, without 9a in the main clause; 4. 21. 

Guth. (24) indie. 8. 12; 10. 7; 16. 17; 22. 27; 24, 8; 84. 
7; 40. 8; 46. 20; 64. 10; 68. 8, 14; 82. 11; 86. 14, 28; 90. 
26 : without 9a in the main clause ; 66. 12 : indeter. 16. 27 ; 
80. 9; 82. 26; 88, 18; 42. 11; 60. 1; 78. 9; 84. 16. 

Mart (180) indie. 2. 10 ; 4. 26 ; 6. 26 ; 8. 18 ; 14. 26 ; 18. 8 

22. 24; 24. 21; 86. 6, 18, 80; 42. 6, 18, 19; 44. 17; 46. 14 

64. 2, 16; 56. 16; 62. 4, 7; 64. 18; 66. 26; 70. 24; 92. 9 
96. 20; 98. 22; 100. 22; 106. 26; 120. 14; 128. 20; 182. 8 
184. 2; 138. 10, 21; 140. 10; 144. 18; 148. 8; 160. 4; 164 
11; 166. 16; 168. 6, 18; 170. 11; 184. 19; 188. 16; 194. 2 
196. 13; 198. 1 ; 208. 8, 12; 210. 17 : without 9a in the main 
clause; 2. 4; 16. 17; 20. 26; 26. 21; 84.88; 86. 4; 62. 10 
74. 28 ; 124. 21 ; 126. 6 ; 188. 21 ; 142. 10 ; 160. 8 ; 188. 8 
192. 8, 12; 198. 10, 17; 206. 20, 28; 210. 27: indeter. 4. 17 
6. 10 ; 18. 26 ; 22. 14 ; 26. 28 ; 28. 16, 29 ; 48. 9, 14 ; 50. 21 
62. 27 ; 68. 6; 66. 9; 68. 8; 78. 24; 80. 24; 82. 5; 102. 18, 21 
124. 12 ; 128. 12 ; 186. 16 ; 148. 8 ; 168. 12 ; 160. 14 ; 164. 22 
166. 7, 21 ; 168. 6, 19 ; 170. 27 ; 176. 1, 8 ; 192. 19 ; 196. 20 
200. 7, 21, 28 ; 206. 4 ; 208. 20 ; 214. 2 ; 220. 1 ; 222. 2 : with- 
out 9a in the main clause; 8. 8; 18. 20; 86. 2; 76. 14; 
94. 22; 102. 20; 104. 8, 18; 148. 1; 164. 18; 162. 26; 178. 
20; 188. 14; 194. 14. 



Appendix I 167 

Lch. 1. (1) indie, without ffa in the main clause; 176. 1. 

Lch. 3. (11) indie. 426. 21; 430. 34; without 9a in the 
main elause; 52. 14, 15; 66. 6; 110. 6; 428. 20: opt. with- 
out 9a in the main elause; 82. 12: indeter. without 9a in 
the main elause: 428. 8, 11; 488. 6. 

AH. 1. (11) indie. 16. 27; 24. 21 ; 184. 5; 376. 16: without 
9a in the main elause ; 42. 2 ; ld4. 28 ; 484. 27 : indeter. 168. 
16 ; 314. 32 ; 316. 28 ; 478, 30. 

AH. 2. (3) indie. 134. 26; 172. 20; 418. 31. 

Quot (1) indie. 135. 7. 

LS. 1. (33) indie. 222. 69 ; 488. 12, 26 ; 600. 210 ; 602. 263 ; 
606. 307 ; 614. 444 ; 516. 484, 486, 489 : without 9a in the 
main elause; 182. 202; 332. 170; 602. 236; 610. 397, 400 
614. 442 ; 522. 557 ; 634. 757 ; 563. 684 ; 624. 606 ; 526. 639 
indeter. 222. 38; 488. 19; 498. 176, 189; 518. 613; 620. 630 
622. 661 ; 538. 800 : without 9a in the main elause ; 492. 93 
494. 104; 510. 370; 632. 717. 

LS. 2. (63) indie. 32. 482 ; 40. 699 ; 60. 765, 772 ; 192. 27 
31; 200. 166, 167, 168, 170; 206. 280; 210. 326; 214. 394 
413; 216. 444; 272. 867; 296. 1236; 322. 119; 326. 169 
336. 22, 36; 338. 60, 61; 340. 99; 346. 176; 348. 215; 362 
284 : without 9a m the main elause ; 28. 414 ; 36. 619, 636 
200. 179; 242. 367; 392. 262: indeter. 24. 346 ; 28. 406 ; 32 
461, 469; 40. 590; 44. 676; 60. 748; 194. 62; 210. 334, 338 
212. 363 ; 270. 799 ; 302. 1330 ; 346. 183 ; 348. 207 ; 362. 299 
without 9a in themain elause ; 32. 484 ; 38. 662 ; 44. 653 ; 164. 106 

Gen. (89) (eh, and v.) indie. 4. 8 ; 22. 4 ; 24. 63 ; 25. 22, 27 
26.34; 29.1,14,21,28; 30.9,26; 32.6; 33.1,6,8; 37.4 
12, 29 ; 38. 15, 26, 26 ; 39. 16 ; 40. 1 ; 41. 53 ; 42. 35 ; 43. 16 
17, 21, 29, 31 ; 48. 8 ; 60. 1 : without 9a in the main elause 
6. 14, 15, 17, 18, 20, 21, 26, 27, 28, 31 ; 17. 24; 24. 64; 25. 17 
20, 26; 28. 11, 18; 29. 19, 26; 31. 64; 37. 2, 18, 26; 42. 7, 21 
46. 27 ; 46. 29 ; 47. 29 ; 48. 7, 17 ; 60. 4, 24, 26 : indeter. 16. 17 
19. 23 ; 27. 1, 6, 22, 26, 30 ; 29. 21 ; 37. 10 ; 38. 21 ; 39. 18, 19 
41. 66 ; 42. 1 ; 46. 26 ; 49. 28 : without 9a in the main elause 
27. 25; 32. 1, 23, 31 ; 36. 9; 43. 2; 48. 3; 49. 32. 

Exod. (29) (eh. and v.) indie. 2. 2, 5, 16, 18 ; 9. 34 ; 14. 10, 
23 ; 16. 16, 21 ; 17. 12 ; 32. 19 : without 9a in the main elause ; 



168 Appendix 1 

• 

1. 6; 8. 1; 4. 21; 6. 28; 7. 7: indeter. 2. 6. 15; 4. 6; 14. 21; 
15. 1 ; 16. 11 ; 18. 7 ; 83. 11 : without 9a in the main clause; 

2. 18; 8. 29; 18. 24; 82. 23; 84. 6. 

Lev. (4) (ch. and v.) indie. 9. 24 : indeter. 8. 81 ; without 
9a in the main clause ; 8. 28, 24. 

Num. (7) (ch. and v.) indie 10. 28 ; 11. 27 ; 12. 5 : without 
9a in the main clause; 8. 4: indeter. 11. 1 ; 12. 1 : without 
9a in the main clause; 11. 25. 

Deut (4) (ch. and v.) indie. 82. 19 : without 9a in the main 
clause; 9. 11 ; 11. 4: indeter. 5. 28. 

Jos. (8) (ch. and v.) indie. 5. 1 ; 6. 16 : without 9a in the 
main clause; 5. 1. 

A. Th. (2) indie, without 9a in the main clause ; 450. 54 : 
indeter. without 9a in the main clause; 462. 56. 

Neot (1) indeter. (page and line-numbering on page) 110. 126. 

Inst. (8) indie without 9a in the main clause; 398. 46; 
430. 50 ; 439. 9 ; 468. 88 ; 470. 26 : indeter. without 9a in the 
main clause ; 489. 6 ; 472. 4 ; 478. 58. 

BIH. (50) indie. 79. 12; 115. 6. 18; 121. 32; 135. 21 ; 145. 
24; 191. 14, 23; 199. 28, 83; 201. 9; 211.25; 213. 1; 215. 
15 ; 217. 17 : without 9a in the main clause ; 19. 81 ; 21. 81 ; 
67. 18; 77. 80; 79. 11 ; 91. 9; 97. 9; 103. 2, 4; 131. 29; 143. 
6; 151. 25; 159. 1, 12; 161. 7; 173.5; 191. 1 ; 235. 28; 241. 
27: indeter. 13.4; 77.11; 137.28; 149.4; 199.9; 221.26; 
225. 5: without 9a in the main clause; 81. 5; 67. 15; 91. 12; 
108. 9; 117. 10; 127. 23; 151. 26; 241. 6, 23. 

Wulf. (37) indie 14. 18; 168. 18; 221. 8; 222. 23, 25; 
281. 9: without 9a in the main clause; 1. 9; 16. 17, 20; 17. 
9; 18. 8; 22. 9; 88. 7; 89. 2; 67. 8; 99. 12; 109. 14; 110. 14; 
111. 2 ; 144. 6 ; 167. 1 ; 214. 2 ; 221. 21, 82 ; 222. 27 ; 224. 24 ; 
256. 2 ; 257. 16 ; 801. 18 : indeter. 17. 16 ; 121. 6 : without 9a in 
the main clause; 15. 18; 17. 10; 100. 24; 173. 1; 206. 7; 
240. 8. 

HL. (18) (page and line -numbering on page) indie. 171. 
58; 172. 89; 176.209; 194.82; 202.286; 204.314: without 
9a in the main clause ; 147. 97 ; 164. 9 ; 180. 361 ; 184. 92 ; 
185. 112; 189. 226: indeter. 120. 110; 125. 270; 126.332; 
159. 178; 176. 222: without 9a in the main clause; 153. 36. 



Appendix I 169 

BO. (2) indie. 64. 16 : indeter. 76. 3. 

Ap.T. (9) indie. 6. 17; 16. 6; 21. 26; 22. 3; 24.27; without, 
^a in the main elause ; 1. 15 ; 5. 12 : indeter. 7. 18 ; 20. 20. 

Nie. (21) indie. 474. 14 ; 480. 7, 32 ; 482. 18 ; 484. 2, 6 ; 486. 
12; 492. 25; 498. 12: without 9a in the main elause; 474. 9; 
490. 31 ; 496. 6, 20 ; 498. 23 ; indeter. 490. 6 ; 502. 18 ; 504. 12 ; 
512. 24 : without Sa in the main elause ; 486. 34 ; 502. 26 ; 
514. 20. 

Epis. (14) indie. 146. 183; 147. 222; 149. 268; 151. 312; 
152. 333 ; 163. 362, 372 ; 158. 505, 518 ; 169. 538 ; 162. 626 : 
indeter. 146. 188 ; 155. 431 ; 156. 445. 

Byr. (1) indie. 331. 43. 

Chad. (2) indie. 141.32; 144. 137. 

Sat (5) indie, without ifa in the main elause; 111. 3; 112. 
16 : indeter. without 9a in the main elause ; 110. 4 ; 112. 2, 17. 

Rood. (10) indie. 3. 14; 5. 26; 11. 4, 30, 32: without 9a in 
the main elause ; 7. 22 ; opt (?) 11. 2 : indeter. 7. 1 ; 13. 12 ; 15. 32. 

2. Index-List of 9a'9a Clauses (1197). 

Chron. (23) indie. 206. 8 ; 231. 6, 26 : without 9a in the 
main elause; 19. 11 ; 24. 9; 87. 3; 187. 12; 215. 14; 226. 34 
227. 35 ; 229. 34 ; 233. 23 : indeter. 128. 27 ; 178. 31 ; 181. 13 
204. 9 ; 215. 27 ; 226. 27, 36 : without 9a in the main elause 
190. 25; 226. 34; 228. 11, 17. 

Cart. (7) indie, vol. 2 : 389. 8 : without 9a in the main 
elause ; vol 1 : 326. 2 ; 543. 38 ; voL2 : 96. 25 ; 449. 15 : indeter. 
without 9a in the main elause ; vol. 2 : 79. 29 ; vol. 3 : 402. 20. 

Laws. (2) indie, without 9a in the main elause ; 128. 15 ; 
472. 23. 

PPs. (5) (psalm-number and verse) indie, without 9a in 
the main elause ; 34. 13 ; (page and line), 50. 28 ; 59. 29 : 
indeter. without 9a in the main elause; (psalm and verse), 
39. 1, 7. 

O. (24) indie. 106. 20 ; 136. 12 ; 182. 5 ; 204. 23 ; 208. 4 ; 
210. 13 ; 212. 1 ; 226. 15 : without 9a in the main elause ; 
102. 2 ; 136. 6 ; 186. 12 ; 188. 30 ; 202. 18 ; 206. 24, 34 ; 208. 
22 ; 220. 13 ; 226. 1 ; 228. 5 ; 230. 32 ; 252. 30 ; 296. 23, 28 : 
indeter. 220. 19. 



170 Appendix I 

BH. (2) indie. 328. 88 : indeter. without ^a in the main 
clause; 18.22. 

Bo. (7) indie, without 9a in the main clause ; 15. 12, 15 : 
indeter. without 9a in the main clause; 15. 18; 18. 19; 48. 
28 ; 58. 26 ; 59. 14. 

CP. (84) indie. 5. 5; 113. 16, 17; 261. 17; 386.24: without 
9a in the main clause; 3.18; 113.8; 115.12,24; 133.9; 
181.17; 229.22; 259.9; 267.2; 351.10; 379.17; 393.4; 
401. 10 ; 405. 26 : indeter. 131. 8 ; 335. 20 ; 443. 31 : without 
9a in the main clause; 51. 15; 57. 21; 115. 9, 18; 129. 24; 
249. 9; 297. 9; 405. 82; 413. 25; 415. 30; 443. 3; 451. 28. 

Dial. (311) indie. 3. 24; 12. 13; 20. 32; 22. 10; 24. 17; 31. 
3; 37. 15; 41. 28; 42. 24; 44. 9; 46. 21 ; 47. 24; 62. 6, 8, 27 
64. 18 ; 65. 13 ; 69, 29 ; 72. 28 ; 73. 29 ; 75. 20 ; 77. 7 ; 78. 14 
80. 10; 81. 21 ; 82. 2; 88. 21; 89. 7, 10, 19, 25; 95. 4, 14; 96 
16; 104.16,30; 105.7; 110.7; 111.24; 114.23; 116.24 
117. 16; 123. 19; 124. 19; 126. 28; 128. 12, 35; 131. 20; 135 
22; 140.13,35; 143.27; 145.14; 146.19; 153.9; 154.2 
155. 7 ; 170. 11 ; 180. 21 ; 184. 29 ; 186. 2, 3 ; 190. 29 ; 192. 19 
194. 11, 21 ; 206. 23 ; 207. 1 ; 215. 23 ; 223. 5 ; 227. 4 ; 231. 13 
235. 24 ; 243. 24 ; 248. 13; 250. 12, 25; 251. 1 ; 253. 17; 266 
15; 273.7; 275.1; 276.26; 277.24; 284.17; 293.24; 300.5 
313.2; 314.2,18; 318.23; 327.14; 330.13; 345.5,17; 347.8 
without 9a in the main clause ; 30. 18 ; 49. 11 ; 54. 3 ; 55. 29 
59. 1 ; 60. 8; 63. 8; 86. 8; 96. 23; 97. 14; 98. 23; 100. 17 
101. 25; 104. 2; 107. 20; 113. 23; 116. 11 ; 121. 9; 129. 20 
132.11; 137.23; 138.13; 139.8; 144.1,31; 148.20,27 
161.9; 167.9; 173.21; 174.6; 179.14; 183.13; 184.11,14 
188. 26 ; 197. 2, 7 ; 199. 14 ; 200. 9 ; 201. 22 ; 202. 9, 20 ; 203 
19; 205. 4; 208. 12, 15, 23; 214.4, 15; 216. 4, 13, 16, 19; 220 
18 ; 224. 14 ; 225. 21 ; 227. 19, 21 ; 229. 20 ; 232. 20, 26 ; 234 
19; 238.1; 240.2; 242.5; 244.15; 245.11; 247.14; 249.22 
252. 13 ; 253. 11 ; 254. 26 ; 255. 5 ; 262. 20 ; 265. 5 ; 266. 22, 26 
274. 26 ; 276. 14 ; 282. 7 ; 285. 8, 12, 24 ; 287. 2, 7 ; 289. 12, 20 
291.14; 292.12,24; 300.1; 301.17; 302.16; 305.22; 309.4 
310. 9, 10, 27; 311. 1, 7; 312. 1 ; 314. 11, 17; 316. 1 ; 318. 8 
320.4; 322.30; 326.32; 327.24; 331.18; 332.18; 333.2 
338. 34 ; 342. 5, 19 ; 343. 15, 18, 86 ; 344. 12 ; 345. 34 ; 347. 16, 



Appendix I 171 

39: indeter. 17.12; 24.20; 26.20; 32.1; 39,16; 47. 27 
62. 32 ; 63. 19 ; 67. 10, 17 ; 68. 18, 28 ; 59. 8 ; 73. 11 ; 76. 2 
77. 24; 81. 5, 9; 90. 6; 140. 9; 141. 12; 152. 2: 170. 23; 171 
16; 176. 21 ; 180. 26, 28; 181. 6; 234. 21 ; 240. 7; 248. 17 
252.3; 266.23; 257.19; 266.10; 282.6,16; 290.19; 291.12 
293. 9 ; 324. 16 : without 9a in the main clause ; 19. 84 ; 33. 21 
40. 29 ; 62. 19 ; 60. 18 ; 61. 33 ; 64. 31 ; 69. 1 ; 77. 24 ; 108. 8 
120.10; 127.14; 128.7; 130.19; 133.20; 143.17; 162. 7 
164. 9; 160. 26; 181. 11 ; 182. 2, 28; 184. 6; 188. 6; 196. 19 
202.24; 214.9; 216.26; 243.17; 244.9; 249.20; 256.32 
266. 3; 274. 9; 276. 12; 291. 18; 297. 9; 298.11,26; 306.26 
307.2; 311.9; 312.18; 320.8; 330.17; 333.3; 337.29 
338. 16 ; 342. 10 ; 347. 24 ; 350. 3. 

M. (6) (ch: and v.) indie. 8. 34; 9. 8; 28. 11 : without 9a in 
the main clause ; 13. 4 : indeter. 4. 2. 

Mk. (2) (ch. and v.) indie. 8. 24 : indeter. without Sa in the 
main clause ; 6. 22. 

L. (2) (ch. and v.) indie, without Sa in the main clause ; 
4.26; 11.1. 

John. (2) (ch. and v.) indeter. without Sa in the main clause ; 
4. 47 ; 13. 26. 

Guth. (3) indie. 8. 6 ; 70. 18 : without 9a in the main clause ; 
76. 16. 

Mart (5) indie. 20. 14 : without 9a in the main clause ; 

14. 8 ; 50. 16 ; 160. 5 : indeter. without Sa in the main clause ; 
146. 21. 

AH. 1.(248) mdic. 10.28; 12.20; 14.20; 22.21; 24.29,32; 
30. 10; 66. 16; 68. 20, 28; 74. 3, 12; 78. 2; 80. 11, 24; 86.24, 
26, 28; 88. 6; 92. 22; 104. 11 ; 108. 28, 29; 110. 16; 112. 14; 
142. 27 ; 146. 10 ; 154. 30, 32 ; 158. 7 ; 162. 6 ; 182. 19 ; 194. 16 ; 
196.16; 208.18,31; 220.4; 226.17; 228.10; 234.6,23; 244. 
28 ; 258. 8 ; 290. 18 ; 296. 3 ; 298. 26, 27 ; 312. 4 ; 316. 29 ; 320. 
7 ; 330. 3, 21 ; 340. 2 ; 384. 26 ; 416. 26 ; 432. 12 ; 454. 23, 25 ; 
456.8; 458.13; 468.11; 486.1; 496.9; 506.29; 522.4; 534. 
9; 548. 12; 660. SO; 562. 7; 564. 5: without 9a in the main 
clause; 6. 10; 24. 26; 36. 19; 96. 10; 106. 31, 34, 36; 108. 1, 

15, 19, 21 ; 110. 3, 9 ; 120. 21 ; 122. 10 ; 126. 26, 30, 33 ; 140. 9, 
10; 142.28; 162.11,12; 164.30; 170.36; 172.4,34; 176. 



172 Appendix 1 

17, 19, 23, 80, 83 ; 208. 14; 214. 11 ; 218. 11 ; 220. 6 ; 222. 12 
226. 7 ; 228. 13, 15, 16 ; 234. 13 ; 260. 1 ; 270. 21 ; 288. 13 ; 292 
3 ; 300. 25 ; 308. 28 ; 320. 22 ; 336. 24 ; 338. 27, 28 ; 366. 31 
370. 6; 372. 33; 382. 7; 394. 4; 404. 20, 30; 406. 6, 14; 442 
22; 444.20,24; 472.27; 474.2; 478.11; 482.24; 484.25 
32; 510.26; 512. 23; 518. 8, 24; 522.16,24,33; 580. 12 
584. 27; 586. 1, 16; 588. 21, 24; 600. 4: indeter. 26. 31 ; 50 
23; 58. 27; 66. 24; 86. 19; 88. 8; 112. 10; 126. 14; 138. 13 
146. 21 ; 152. 12, 19; 158. 6; 160. 22; 168. 19; 178. 5,9; 184 
11; 188. 12; 196. 17; 206. 7; 216. 24; 224. 22; 300. 7; 302 
5 ; 336. 16 ; 366. 5 ; 402. 3 ; 414. 6 ; 418. 5 ; 428. 4 ; 432. 16 
452. 29 ; 484. 11 ; 490. 28 ; 498. 13 ; 518. 13 ; 524. 31 ; 562. 1 
564. 2 ; 580. 35 ; 592. 21 : without 9a in the main clause ; 10 
5,32; 14. 15; 16.10; 42. 13,19; 58.18; 82.19; 102.18; 104 
21; 108.16,17,20; 118.26; 138.13; 146.29; 156.19; 172 
1 ; 174. 13; 176. 19, 32; 194. 30; 200. 12; 208. 24; 216. 7 
218.5; 228. 11, 12; 236. 24; 268.31; 290.26, 27; 292.6 
318.26; 322.33; 330.13; 336.26; 340.1; 374.7; 384.7 
394. 7 ; 442. 25 ; 476. 12 ; 488. 17 ; 492. 35 ; 496. 16, 34 ; 502. 
8 ; 516. 33 ; 518. 28 ; 524. 22 ; 528. 13 ; 602. 22. 

AH. 2. (150) indie 6. 8 ; 28. 3 ; 38. 3, 9, 25, 27 ; 40. 1 ; 84. 
13; 88.9; 90.30; 96.31,33; 98.2; 112.32; 136.32; 138. 
33 ; 154. 9, 18 ; 156. 21 ; 158. 8 ; 172. 17 ; 176. 17 ; 182. 29 ; 
234. 22 ; 236. 27 ; 250. 26 ; 272. 20 ; 358. 1 ; 390. 19 ; 424. 22 ; 
446. 22; 452. 12; 458. 8; 474. 11 ; 478. 18, 32, 34; 486. 14; 
488. 35 ; 490. 13 ; 498. 26 ; 500. 8 ; 502. 2, 24 : without 9a in 
the main clause; 34. 17 ; 36. 21 ; 40. 29; 42. 5, 33 ; 50. 10 ; 
60.31; 78.31; 80.9; 82.20; 90.15; 110.11,19; 114.8; 126. 
15; 134. 2; 136. 28; 148. 16; 186. 10; 210. 16; 230. 11 ; 232. 
31 ; 234. 34; 236. 2; 240. 21 ; 266. 16; 286. 1, 6; 292. 5; 296. 
32; 306.16; 332.11; 354.7,22; 362,16; 368.30; 378.24; 
380. 4 ; 382. 19 ; 386. 6, 9 ; 388. 31 ; 394. 4 ; 420. 19 ; 440. 16 ; 
452.10; 458.6; 500.30; 504.9; 518.13; 550.5; 558. 30; 
598. 28 : indeter. 6. 19 ; 26. 34 ; 28. 25 ; 36. 22 ; 40. 26 ; 60. 23 ; 
118. 23 ; 158. 22 ; 184. 1 ; 234. 24 ; 286. 6 ; 354, 9 ; 358. 5, 22 ; 
388. 23 ; 390. 20 ; 468. 4 ; 546. 21 : without 9a in the main 
clause; 6.33; 8.''1; 30.12; 40.25,30; 78.28; 82.30; 114.9; 
118.14; 136.9; 144.6; 150.12; 220.2; 232.1,3,16; 238.4; 



Appendix I 173 

240. 22; 246. 84; 260. 22; 274. 18; 288. 26; 312. 13; 314. 4; 
326. 18; 354. 20; 364. 18; 372. 6; 418. 25; 426. 13; 440. 24; 
448. 5 ; 450. 30 ; 472. 28 ; 606. 28. 

Quot. (22) indie. 135.1; 137.7; 149.20; 152.2; 161. 
5; 171. 18; 172. 15; 177. 8, 16: without 9a in the main 
clause; 149.22; 151.18; 159.12; 161.8; 171.23: indeter. 
140.2; 145.15; 147.7; 155.23; 157.23; 160.14; 168.15; 
174. 5. 

De Temp. (3) indie. 1. 5: without 9a in the main elause; 
15. 25 : indeter. without 9a in the main elause ; 13. 10. 

LS. 1. (81) indie. 32. 148; 64. 241 ; 90. 6; 122. 113; 136. 
303; 150.44; 158.192; 216.106; 230.172; 294.152; 318. 
181 ; 350. 190 ; 352. 232 ; 398. 226 ; 420. 100 ; 422. 127 ; 440. 
2 ; 488. 9 ; 490. 61 ; 494. 123 ; 500. 230 ; 502. 242 ; 526. 626 : 
without 9a in the main elause ; 12. 27, 30 ; 50. 5 ; 56. 102 ; 
58.139; 208.211; 112. 367; 122. 99; 144. 439 ; 148. 13, 14 ; 
160.217; 168.358; 190.340; 210.13; 228.137,150; 240. 
229; 48.178; 256.318; 280.251; 294.148; 296.185; 298. 
223; 314.107; 330.158; 336.3,4; 338.19; 420.115; 522. 
571; 536.775: indeter. 140. 373 ; 164.303; 170.14; 194. 
406; 296. 190; 350. 203; 462. 349; 506. 311: without 9a 
in the main elause; 20.152; 88.646; 112.401; 164.292 
210.17; 218.145; 256.292; 276.217; 282.285; 296.184 
328. 108; 342.75; 346. 154; 372. 120; 388. 83; 394. 165 
420. 94 ; 432. 13. 

LS. 2. (84) indie. 12. 160, 165, 189 ; 14. 197 ; 18. 275, 278 ; 
28. 403; 42. 648; 44. 656; 96.458; 150. 107; 154. 167; 170. 
17; 212.357; 220.23; 224.65; 228.151; 230.170; 242. 
379 ; 244. 382 ; 250. 475, 479 ; 254. 563 ; 258. 612 ; 264. 722 ; 
272. 851; 292. 1183; 308. 1413, 1424; 310.1441; 314. 8; 
368. 234 ; 390. 223 ; 400. 14 ; 408. 163 : without 9a in the 
main elause; 28.398; 124.848; 134.149; 142.279; 150. 
110; 162. 65; 168. 159 ; 174. 94; 222. 36; 224. 90; 228. 122; 
256. 579 ; 266. 737 ; 274. 878, 891 ; 282. 1029 ; 284. 1036 ; 304. 
1371; 314.6; 356.3; 374.320; 388.192; 430.74: indeter. 
28. 419 ; 90. 358 ; 94. 421 ; 148. 87 ; 168. 1 ; 172. 46 ; 188. 321 ; 
232. 201 ; 248. 471 ; 262. 696 ; 268. 785 ; 286. 1083 ; 372. 274 ; 
396. 333 : without 9a m the main elause ; 18. 271 ; 34. 494, 



174 Appendix 1 

497; 108.626; 160.94; 170.12; 174.96; 244.387; 248.448; 
290. 1160; 866. 199; 896. 846. 
Int Sig. (14) (page and line-munbering on page) indie. 

8. 70 : without Sa in the main clause ; 2. 19 ; 6. 42 ; 16. 148 ; 
20. 181 ; 22. 213; 84. 816; 86. 840: indeter. without ffa in the 
main clause ; 8. 78 ; 10. 97 ; 24. 224 ; 86. 849 ; 46. 440 ; 48. 478. 

Gen. (16) (ch. and v.) indie. 2. 21 ; 8. 24 ; 6. 32 ; 7. 6, 10 ; 

9. 21, 24; 16. 1 ; 17. 1 ; 21. 14; 87. 88 : without Sa in the main 
clause; 2.4; 8.8; 11.2: indeter. without 9a in the main 
clause ; 16. 16. 

Num. (2) (ch. and v.) indie. 18. 1 ; 16. 42. 

DeuL (1) (ch. and v.) indie, without 9a in the main clause ; 
34.7. 

Jos. (1) (ch. and v.) indie, without 9a in the main clause; 
2.10. 

Jud. (2) (ch. and v.) indie. 16. 19, 26. 

Job. (6) indie. 266. 4 ; 268. 26 : without 9a in the main 
clause ; 268. 24 ; 271. 18 : indeter. without 9a in the main 
clause; 266. 16; 268. 11. 

M. Asm. (28) (page and line-numbering on page) indie. 
61. 243; 67. 68; 72. 178; 73. 1 ; 81. 2; 82. 26; 111. 301; 113. 
362 : without 9a in the main clause ; 14. 16, 38 ; 49. 2 ; 69. 
189; 61. 240; 76. 68; 78. 161; 79. 169; 88. 232, 244; 94. 86; 
102. 6; 106. 130; 116. 421 : indeter. 73. 3; 106. 89; 112. 344: 
without 9a in the main clause ; 30. 147 ; 82. 40 ; 88. 230. 

i£. Th. (4) indeter. without 9a in the main clause ; 441. 46 ; 
460. 2 ; 463. 49 ; 462. bb. 

De Vet. Pref. (16) indie. 1. 19; 2. 22: without 9a in the 
main clause; 3. 1 ; 7. 18; 9. 38; 10. 6; 16. 26; 18. 20; 21. 29: 
indeter. without 9a in the main clause; 1. 17; 3. 16; 9. 36; 
13. 1,24,36; 28.11. 

Hex. (6) indie. 42. 24 : without 9a in the main clause ; 
6. 29 ; 42. 18 ; 64. 7 : indeter. without 9a in the main clause ; 
22. 13. 

Coll. (1) indeter. 101. 26. 

Neot. (1) indeter. without 9a in the main clause; 106. 9. 

Inst. (4) indie, without 9a in the main clause ; 424. 39, 60 ; 
426. 46 ; 476. 16. 



Appendix I 175 

Wulf. (25) indie. 12. 14; 99. 9, 17; 278. 2, 10; 293. 30: 
without tfa in the main clause; 1. 6; 67. 22; 75. 17; 177. 13; 
178. 13; 194. 15; 290. 21; 293. 6; 301. 9: indeter. 22. 3; 152. 
21 ; 293. 12 : without Ifa in the main clause ; 16. 9 ; 103. 25 ; 
150. 24; 154. 26; 176. 13; 285. 16; 292. 26. 

HL. (14) (page and line-numbering on page) indie. 129. 
428; 133. 556; 134. 621 : without tfa in the main clause; 122. 
180; 189. 249 ; 191. 305 : indeter. 121. 157 ; 134. 592 ; 179. 344 ; 
183.69; 189.224; 198. 104, 116: without tfa in the main 
clause; 186. 160. 

BO. (2) indie, without 9a in the main clause : 74. 6 : indeter. 
57.5. 

Ap. T. (17) indie. 6. 14 ; 7. 11 ; 14. 18 ; 26. 1 ; 27. 17 : indeter. 
1.9; 2.23; 16.6; 21.12; 26.17: without ^a in the main 
clause; 4. 5; 6. 26; 10. 4; 12. 21 ; 13. 11, 16; 19. 14. 

Nic. (12) indie. 472. 17; 494. 14: without tfa in the main 
clause ; 492. 8 ; 498. 9, 27 ; 502. 30 ; 504. 2, 16, 26 : indeter. 
without tfa in the main clause; 494. 11 ; 498. 6; 508. 1. 

Rood. (6) indie. 3. 3 ; 7. 10 ; 103. 21 ; 105. 30 : indeter. 103. 7 : 
without tfa in the main clause; 103. 12. 

3. Index-List oi tfa , , , tfa Clauses (289). 

OET. (1) indie. 178. 43. 

Chron. (8) indie. 79. 21 ; 86. 3 ; 87. 19. 22 ; 88. 17 ; 89. 14 : 
without tfa in the main clause ; 87. 8 : indeter. 94. 3. 

Laws. (2) indie. 42. 20 : indeter. without $a in the main 
clause ; 214. 25. 

O. (7) indie. 38. 32; 66. 17; 84. 2; 112. 26: without tfa in 
the main clause; 54. 28: indeter. 116. 22: without tfa in the 
main clause ; 68. 29. 

BH. (123) indie. 38. 18; 44. 20; 96. 11 ; 98. 21 ; 100. 2, 19 
102.5; 106.23; 128.17; 130.12,16; 138.6; 152.5; 158.15 
164. 9; 166. 8; 174. 28; 178. 31, 34; 180. 6; 182. 28; 184. 32 
190. 13 ; 196. 23, 31 ; 200. 32 ; 202. 7, 22 ; 208. 19 ; 214. 24 
226. 4, 15, 19; 228. 16; 230.3; 246.3, 13; 250.17; 252. 1,17 
256. 17, 20, 28 ; 262. 17 ; 264. 1, 16 ; .266. 3 ; 272. 28, 31 ; 276 
28; 286. 1 ; 288. 32; 290. 16, 26; 294. 17; 296. 17; 298. 18 
314. 32 ; 326. 20 ; 332. 9 ; 338. 1 ; 340. 24 ; 344. 2 ; 350. 13 



176 Appendix I 

352. 17, 22, 26 ; 864. 32 ; 366. 19, 24, 80 ; 870. 29 ; 376. 5 ; 378. 
19; 882.26; 884.19; 414.26; 416.24; 426.31; 440.17 
444. 8; 446. 17; 456. 5: without ^a in the main clause; 100 
17; 102.34; 122.19; 168.31; 196.15; 202.18; 222.18 
248. 14; 282. 16; 392. 11 : indeter. 58. 8; 114. 81 ; 184. 1 
136. 12 ; 146. 5 ; 186. 5 ; 208. 17 ; 220. 27 ; 228. 10, 15 ; 282. 16 
288. 30 ; 308. 14 ; 826. 11 ; 886. 38 ; 340. 9, 22 ; 342. 26 ; 344 
27 ; 848. 4 ; 360. 19 ; 360. 12 ; 872. 5 ; 376. 25 ; 388. 27 ; 416. 25 
448. 8 ; 464. 15 : without Sa in the main clause ; 164. 16 ; 260. 
8 ; 342. 24. 

Bo. (59) indie. 7. 24 ; 10. 28 ; 41. 7 ; 66. 27 ; 86. 9 : indeter. 
8. 15; 9. 15; 14. 27; 27. 14; 38. 20; 84. 14; 86. 20; 37. 7; 
89. 15; 40. 4; 46. 1 ; 47. 8; 48. 21 ; 60. 8; 51. 27; 52. 14; 57. 
1 ; 68. 4; 60. 26; 61. 1 ; 64. 28 ; 66. 1 ; 66. 25, 27; 67. 25; 68. 
6; 69. 16; 70. 1 ; 71. 8, 9; 73. 21 ; 74. 15; 82. 18; 89. 4, 24; 
94. 26; 102. 9. 12; 103. 3, 23; 106, 3; 111. 10; 112. 12; 115. 
10; 124. 1, 18; 125. 30; 126. 28; 186. 22; 139. 19; 141. 9, 20 
147. 1, 10. 

C. P. (1) indeter. 5. 8. 

Dial. (5) indie. 37. 2 ; 224. 21 ; 292. 18 : without 9a in the 
main clause; 306. 12: indeter. 11. 12. 

M. (2) (ch. and v.) indie. 2. 13 ; 18. 48. 

Guth. (26) indie. 10. 1 ; 28. 4 ; 86. 26 ; 38. 5 ; 52. 12 ; 64. 8 ; 
58. 2, 25 ; 62. 7 ; 64. 13, 17 ; 68. 18 ; 72. 23, 27 ; 80. 14 ; 92. 
2; 94. 8, 17: indeter. 40. 28. 24; 48. 28; 62. 8; 82. 1 ; 88. 2; 
88. 22. 

Mart. (15) indie. 64. 23; 60. 8; 66. 28; 86. 11; 98. 8; 132. 
26; 166.22; 170.6; 214.5; 218.10: indeter. 10.19; 44.9; 
64.21; 68.4; 86.2. 

LS. 1. (1) mdeter. 616. 497. 

LS. 2. (8) indie. 200. 176 ; 348. 233 ; 364. 318 : without 9a 
in the main clause ; 44. 666 ; 846. 190 : indeter. 48. 735 ; 208. 
294 ; 838. 73. 

Exod. (1) (eh. and v.) indeter. 2. 3. 

BIH. (24) mdie. 79. 7 ; 106. 17 ; 121. 21 ; 176. 4 ; 216. 31 ; 
217. 19, 27, 32, 34; 219. 17; 221. 9; 225. 21 ; 227. 28; 233. 7, 
9: indeter. 69.32; 119.7; 123.17; 149.26; 183.19; 216.34; 
219. 12 ; 223. 16 : without 9a in the main clause ; 165. 28. 



Appendix 1 177 

Epis. (7) indie. 148. 253 ; 153. 880 ; 155. 427 ; 248. 239 ; 158. 
508 : without 9a in the main clause ; 148. 229 : indeter. 146. 170. 

4. Index-List of 9onne Clauses (1854). 

OET. (88) indie. 178. 22 : Vesp. Psalms, (psabn and verse) 
indie. 77. 84; 118. 6: without Sonne in the main clause; 4.4 

7. 8 ; 9. 28, 80, 81 ; 26. 2 ; 27. 2 ; 81. 4 ; 84. 18 ; 86. 24, 88, 84 
41. 4, 11 ; 45. 8; 47. 4; 48. 16, 17, 18, 19; 50. 6; 60. 8; 68. 4 
70. 28 ; 108. 28 ; 123. 2 : indeter. without ifonne in the main 
clause; 42. 2; 70. 24; 80. 6; 128. 81. 

Vesp. Hynms. (2) (page and verse) indie, without Sonne 
in the main clause ; 407. 8, 4. 

Chron. (1) indie. 185.15; 140.28; 141.19; 220.10: opt. 
without Sonne in the main clause \ 200. 81 ; 217. 28 : indeter. 
122. 26. 

Cart. (9) indie, vol. 2. 121. 25 ; 147. 14 : opt 146. 25 : without 
Sonne in the main clause ; 199. 9 ; 449. 80, 83 ; vol. 8. 890. 

8, 11 ; 629. 84. 

Laws. (24) indie. 116.20; 854.26: without Sonne in the 
main clause ; 266. 16 ; 868. 13 ; 896. 10 ; 449. 20 ; 454. 86 ; 
475. 25 ; 476. 26 : opt. 190. 6, 8 ; 886. 22 ; 892. 14 : without 
Sonne in the main clause ; 54. 15 ; 68. 6 ; 74. 1 ; 198. 15 ; 210. 
84, 88 ; 250. 21 ; 808. 24 ; 447. 18, 80 ; 454. 14. 

PPs. (88) (psalm and verse) indie. 2. 18; 9. 21, 80; 16. 15 
40. 7 : without Sonne in the main clause; 1. 5; 18. 9; 21. 11 
26. 8; 86. 18; 89. 18; 41. 11 ; 42. 2; 48. 8, 9, 15, 17; 50. 5 
(page and line) 4. 4; 22. 8; 27. 4; 88. 15; 84. 5; 95. 6: opt 
without Sonne in the main clause; (page and line) 61. 14; 
68. 7 ; 71. 85 ; 77. 17 ; 119. 20 : (psalm-number and v.) indeter. 
4. 1 ; 21. 22 : without Sonne in the main clause ; 4. 4 ; 41. 8. 

O. (40) indie. 21. 6; 82. 14; 42, 82; 46. 10; 70, 22, 27, 81, 
82 ; 78. 12 ; 106. 18 ; 174. 7 ; 186. 18 ; 220. 10 : without Sonne 
in the main clause ; 20. 20 ; 40. 26 ; 50. 2 ; 52. 10 ; 54. 25 
60. 6 ; 92. 81 ; 116. 28, 88 ; 186. 27 ; 142, 7, 18, 24 ; 144. 17 
152.81; 154.17; 164.15; 168.85; 174.9; 182.2; 214.16 
opt 176. 1; 206. 18; 260.82; without Sonne in the main 
clause; 54. 24: indeter. 112. 28: without Sonne in the main 
clause ; 54. 27. 



178 Appendix 1 

BH. (41) indie. 64. 14 ; 76. 82 ; 842. 22 ; 416. 4, 8 ; 424. 28 
without Sonne in the main clause; 20. 18; 80. 1, 29; 86. 7 
212. 28, 80, 82 ; 286. 22 ; 822. 29 ; 828. 82 ; 842. 21 ; 862. 28 
870. 10 ; 892. 16 ; 484. 20 ; 486. 8 : opt. 180. 14 ; 854. 12 
without Sonne in the main clause ; 76. 5 ; 94. 15 ; 100. 88 
156. 28; 196. 9; 284. 4; 286. 24; 294. 26; 814. 28; 438. 1, 8 
9 : indeter. without Sonne in the main clause ; 280. 9 ; 274. 1 
294.80; 454.17; 476.11. 

Bo. (84) indie. 11.22; 12.7; 14.9; 15.6; 16.17; 18.12 
21.1,4,5; 28.23; 87.11; 38.28,30; 43.1; 48.10; 54.4 
55.4; 59.5; 61.11; 74.14; 75.20; 76.5,7; 77.8; 81.30 
86.8; 90.9; 111.80; 114.5,12; 117.14; 182.20; 136.1 
without Sonne in the main clause; 9. 11 ; 10. 7; 14. 15; 16 
18, 33; 24. 8; 26. 16; 27. 3, 9; 28. 25; 29. 7; 30. 11 ; 32. 16 
24; 86.31; 39.7; 51.3; 55.20; 59.9; 61.15; 66.18; 68 
16; 71. 6; 73. 28, 30; 74. 31 ; 76. 3, 23, 24; 92. 11 ; 107. 28 
108.8; 117.30; 121.10; 125.25; 141.4,30; 142.29,81 
143. 1 : opt. 35. 19 ; 76. 19 : without Sonne in the main clause 
136.20,21: indeter. 11.20; 18.11; 116.16,18: without Sonne 
in the mam clause; 21. 15; 116. 19; 140. 10. 

Sol. (14) indie. 29. 4, 20 ; 33. 3 ; 62. 16 : without Sonne in 
the main clause; 29. 7; 31. 8; 48. 21 ; 45. 9; 66. 22: opt 4. 
16 : without Sonne in the main clause ; 60. 11 : indeter. 62. 17 : 
without Sonne in the main clause ; 2. 21 ; 37. 5. 

CP. (436) indie. 11. 6; 19. 14; 29. 16; 31. 21 ; 39.6; 47.6 
67. 20; 61. 1 ; 67. 15; 69. 12; 71. 5; 77. 17, 19; 87. 15, 24 
101.12; 103.16; 105.11; 109.14; 111.1; 113.3; 117.10,11 
127. 20, 22 ; 129. 9 ; 133. 7, 21, 23, 24 ; 135. 4, 9 ; 187. 1, 8 
139.6; 141.15; 143.5,8, 11, 18, 20; 147. 1,3; 153.5,11; 156 
9, 24; 157. 11, 24; 159. 13, 19; 161. 11, 14; 163. 11 ; 166. 14 
18 ; 173. 3, 6 ; 183. 24 ; 185. 3, 5 ; 189. 9 ; 196. 3, 5, 13 ; 201. 2 
203. 11 ; 209. 19; 217. 9, 17 ; 218. 14; 219. 1 ; 220. 21 ; 225 
13, 18; 227. 6, 14; 231. 19; 239. 11, 23; 241. 15, 17, 21 ; 243 
17, 20; 246. 19, 23, 24; 249. 1, 8, 5; 251. 10, 12, 19; 267. 14 
23 ; 259. 2, 13 ; 261. 9 ; 265. 5, 11 ; 267. 11 ; 269. 2 ; 273. 18 
276. 9; 281. 23; 283. 18, 22, 26; 285. 14; 287. 12, 13; 289. 2 
6, 8, 13 ; 293. 23 ; 295. 24 ; 301. 19, 21 ; 302. 2, 4, 7, 9 ; 303. 16 
307. 5; 313. 1, 22; 316. 6, 21 ; 317. 1, 2; 326. 16; 327. 19, 22 



Appendix I 179 

888. 4, 22; 887. 9; 845. 14; 847. 9; 853. 22; 859. 6; 868. 15; 
866. 17, 19; 867. 15; 869. 8, 10, 11, 18, 15, 20, 22; 878. 8, 10; 
877. 4; 881. 18, 21 ; 888. 7, 15, 25; 885. 5; 887. 8, 10; 891. 5, 
28 ; 897. 2 ; 899. 4, 16 ; 401. 20 ; 408. 28 ; 407. 5, 6, 9, 18 ; 418. 
28, 80; 415. 11, 19, 85; 417. 12, 14, 15; 421. 28; 428. 9; 427. 
15,16,28; 488.12; 489.12^ 441.18,25; 449.27; 451.85; 
455. 88 ; 457. 8 ; 459. 82, 88 ; 461. 8 ; 468. 27 ; 467. 5 : without 
Sonne in the main clause; 11. 18; 21. 24; 25. 17; 27. 12,16 
22 ; 29. 22 ; 81. 4, 5, 6 ; 87. 14, 17, 20 ; 41. 22 ; 47. 12, 16 ; 55 
4, 12, 14, 18 ; 57. 2, 4, 5, 11, 18 ; 68. 8, 16 ; 65. 7, 18 ; 69. 8, 25 
71. 22, 25; 78. 12; 75. 20; 79. 11, 16; 88. 14; 85. 11 ; 89. 15 
98. 16 ; 95. 19, 21 ; 97. 19 ; 101. 5 ; 108. 7, 21 ; 105. 19, 21, 28 
24; 111.8,10; 118.18; 117.21,24; 129.2,4,8; 187.4,24 
189. 4; 141. 6, 18; 145. 20; 158. 1, 2; 159. 15, 17; 161. 2, 21 
168.12,15; 165.20; 167.6,9,11,22; 169.8; 171.15; 188 
14,17; 187.6; 191.11,17; 198.8,12; 197.25; 209.5,7; 211 
17; 222. 1 ; 227.8; 229. 21 ; 281. 10, 16, 18, 22; 288. 25; 245 
14 ; 247. 18 ; 249. 28 ; 257. 1 ; 259. 11, 12 ; 267. 8, 28 ; 269. 17 
271. 18; 278. 16; 275, 18; 277. 6, 6, 7, 10, 28; 288.10; 287.4 
6, 28 ; 289. 17 ; 298. 25 ; 295. 9, 20 ; 297. 16 ; 802. 17 ; 808. 10 
12; 805.14,16; 807.16; 818.11; 829.1; 881.17; 887.14 
847. 5; 849. 15; 851. 1, 8, 22; 859. 19; 868. 18; 878.21 ; 877 
10; 881. 16; 888. 24; 899. 8; 408. 24, 26; 405. 2, 4, 19; 407 
15; 409. 29; 411. 6; 418. 28; 415. 25; 419. 2, 4, 24, 81 ; 428 
4 ; 425. 4 ; 427. 17 ; 429. 4, 6 ; 481. 19 ; 488. 4, 27 ; 487. 8, 11 
18, 28 ; 489. 4, 5, 20, 21 ; 447. 11, 12 ; 449. 5 ; 451. 15, 26 ; 455 
16,24; 461.29; 468.6,18; 465.7,8: opt. 28.6; 107.12 
209. 17; 249. 18; 251. 9; 259. 19; 821. 25; 828. 7; 841. 1 
387. 10 ; 898. 81 ; 449. 81 ; 461. 26 : without Sonne in the main 
clause; 25. 2; 51. 8; 187. 22; 165. 16; 209. 16; 289. 21 ; 245. 
11 ; 247. 16 ; 265. 28 ; 807. 11 ; 823. 2, 9, 10, 21 ; 371. 4 ; 879. 
21; 891.22; 401.7; 408.18; 409.21; 418.15; 483.26: 
indeter. 169.17; 178.1; 247.19; 307.16; 355.15: without 
Sonne in the main clause; 79.8; 117.5; 171.28; 247.23; 
249. 8 ; 298. 5 ; 855. 10. 

Dial. (88) indie. 47. 12 ; 76. 10 ; 103. 2 ; 138. 1 ; 146. 29, 35 ; 
178. 16 ; 204. 4 ; 266. 29 ; 269. 26 ; 288. 28 ; 886. 20 ; 347. 22 ; 
349. 5 : without Sonne in the main clause ; 6. 6, 9, 17 ; 16. 20 ; 

n 2 



180 Appendix I 

28. 29; 46. 7; 86. 2; 106. 21; 109. 18; 112. 18; 186. 12; 188. 
19; 139.26; 147.1; 164.4; 161.18; 173.14,17; 204.26; 
206. 21 ; 209. 17 ; 227. 27 ; 231. 9 ; 283. 19 ; 244. 27 ; 246. 11, 
12 ; 247. 4 ; 261. 13, 17, 21 ; 270. 3 ; 281. 4, 8 ; 294. 12, 16 ; 
311. 14 ; 816. 4, 19 ; 321. 4, 17 ; 326. 9 ; 330. 11 ; 387. 2, 8, 12 ; 
340. 1, 6 ; 343. 30 : opt. 344. 29 : without 9onne in the main 
clause; 26. 20; 146. 18; 261. 11*; 348. 14; 349. 1, 9: indeter. 
6. 22, 32 ; 206. 16, 18 ; 274. 18 ; 326. 28 : without 9onne in the 
main clause; 6. 26; 33. 20; 61. 86; 86. 21 ; 176. 13; 206.22; 
838. 13. 

M. (26) (ch. and v.) indie. 24. 16 ; 26. 31 : without Ifotme 
in the main clause; 2. 8 ; 6. 11 ; 7. 4; 10. 19, 23 ; 12. 34, 43 ; 
13. 29, 32; 19. 28; 20. 28; 24. 32, 46: opt without 9onne in 
the main clause ; 6. 2, 3, 6, 6, 7, 16, 17 ; 10. 12, 14 ; 26. 27. 

Mk. (17) (ch. and v.) indie. 13. 14: without Ifonne in the 
main clause ; 2. 20 ; 4. 16, 27, 29, 31, 32 ; 6. 11 ; 8. 38 ; 9. 12 ; 

11. 26; 12. 26; 13. 7, 11, 28; 14.7: opt without 9orme in the 
main clause ; 9. 9. 

L. (36) (ch. and V.) indie. 11.21; 13.26: without Sonne 
in the main clause ; 6. 86 ; 6. 22, 26 ; 9. 6, 26 ; 11. 2, 24, 26 ; 

12. 11, 36, 43, 64, 68 ; 14. 8, 10, 12 ; 16. 6, 6, 9 ; 16. 9 ; 17. 10 ; 
20. 13, 86; 21. 7, 9, 20, 28, 30, 81 ; 22. 10: opt without Sonne 
in the main clause ; 14. 18 : indeter. without Sonne in the 
main clause ; 10. 86 ; 16. 4 ; 19. 23. 

John. (28) (ch. and v.) indie. 7. 27 ; 8. 28 ; 10. 12 : without 
Sonne in the main clause ; 2. 10 ; 8. 4 ; 4. 9, 23, 26 ; 6. 7 ; 7. 
81 ; 8. 44; 10. 4; 13. 19; 14. 29; 16. 26; 16. 4, 8, 18, 21 ; 20. 
81; 21. 18: indeter. 6. 7: without Sonne in the main clause; 
7.16. 

BR. (24) indie. 17. 17,18; 18. 4: without Sonne in the 
main clause; 1. 18; 8. 1 ; 22. 20; 24. 21 ; 26. 8; 28. 6; 46.6; 
64. 2 ; 66. 8 ; 86. 8, 17 ; 124. 18 : opt without Sonne in the 
main clause; 17. 11; 27. 22; 30. 12; 69. 22; 67.2; 74.7; 86. 
18 ; 91. 1 ; 93. 4. 

Guth. (6) indie. 26. 17 ; 82. 14 : without Sonne in the main 
clause ; 4. 10 ; 48. 2 ; 64. 16 ; 84. 12. 

Mart (34) indie. 2. 16 ; 8. 26 ; 32. 9 ; 42. 21, 27 ; 48. 23 ; 62. 
11; 68. 12; 68.19; 88.17; 104.19,21; 110.24; 118. 12; 124. 



Appendix I 181 

17; 132.13; 160.1; 182.26; 198.6; 216.6: without 9onne 
in the main clause; 2. 17; 42. 3; 48. 8; 84. 4; 118. 20; 156. 
24 ; 180. 8 : opt. 22. 28 : indeter. 10. 5 ; 20. 12, 14, 29 ; 22. 11 ; 
148.5. 

Lch. 1. (54) indie, without 9onne in the main clause ; 98. 4 
152. 26 ; 154. 1 ; 160. 14 ; 166. 20 ; 204. 13 ; 210. 1 ; 226. 22 
244. 14, 19 ; 260. 7, 8 ; 300. 9 ; 310. 1 ; 314. 11, 13, 15 ; 316. 19 
364. 3 : opt. 76. 21 ; 102. 3 ; 136. 6 ; 144. 8 ; 198. 14 ; 244. 16, 
24; 246. 11; 318. 14; 400. 16: without Sonne in the main 
clause; 70.8,12; 72.7; 98.20; 106.18; 108.23; 120.15; 
128. 10, 21 ; 146. 2; 166. 5; 164. 11 ; 182. 18; 186. 10; 202. 
16 ; 208. 5 ; 224. 21, 22 ; 330. 16 ; 332. 3, 7 ; 342. 1 ; 378. 19, 
24 ; 384. 24. 

Lch. 2. (123) indie. 82. 6 ; 148. 5 ; 198. 2, 26 ; 200. 23 ; 202. 
3 ; 204. 9, 12, 22 ; 206. 1 ; 210. 3 ; 220. 4, 16 ; 222. 4 ; 252. 10 
348. 18 : without Sonne in the main clause ; 46. 8, 18 ; 60. 30 
92.5; 148.3,5,6; 194. 1 ; 196. 1 ; 198.25; 202.15; 212.6 
216. 8, 21 ; 234. 28; 236. 3; 244. 3, 8 ; 250. 5, 6 ; 260. 12; 262 
27; 296. 31 ; 330. 20; 348. 15: opt. 28. 6; 36. 15; 68. 6; 84 
30; 124.3; 138. 16; 176.25; 206.17; 208.15,20,24; 216.20 
25 ; 240. 14 ; 280. 7 : without Sonne in the main clause ; 18 
8, 24; 28. 6; 30. 9, 24; 32. 25; 42. 25, 26; 44. 11 ; 48. 9; 62 
22; 82. 10; 92. 14, 15; 98. 12; 116. 14, 16, 18; 118. 9, 16, 25 
130. 11; 134. 23; 136. 25; 138. 19; 154. 12; 156. 16,18; 190 
13, 18 ; 192. 17, 21 ; 196. 14 ; 202. 18 ; 208. 22 ; 214. 25 ; 222 
12 ; 226. 26 ; 228. 5, 22 ; 244. 24 ; 256. 17 ; 270. 2, 13 ; 280. 22 
282. 26 ; 284. 7, 15 ; 288. 3 ; 294. 7, 20, 27 ; 296. 27 ; 316. 4. 29 
318. 24 ; 326. 6 ; 334. 24 ; 838. 3, 16 ; 346. 10, 13 ; 348. 3, 6 
852.21; 356. 6,11; 359. 11. 

Lch. 3. (60) indie. 6. 3 ; 104. 16 ; 140. 3, 18 ; 142. 6 ; 146. 14 
158. 21 : without Sonne in the main clause ; 8. 22 ; 124. 18 
126. 27; 138. 5; 160. 7, 8, 10, 11, 14, 15; 180. 20; 224. 12, 14 
15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24; 426.27 : opt 6.5; 12. 17 
30. 20; 60. 9; 66. 23; 68. 1, 2, 19; 98. 16; 120. 11 ; 130. 23 
136. 4: without Sonne in the main clause; 2. 17; 8. 27; 14 
14; 16.3,26; 18.19; 30.22; 36.27; 38.2; 48.16; 72.19 
104. 22; 122. 17; 136. 8; 168. 20; 170. 4; 172. 23. 

iEH. 1. (106) indie. 22. 11, 31 ; 64. 21 ; 118. 15; 138. 21 ; 



182 Appendix I 

172. 18 ; 188. 7 ; 210. 6, 7 ; 218. 20 ; 222. 84; 286. 6 ; 248. 9 
262. 10 ; 278. 22 ; 284. 10 ; 804. 82 ; 822. 14 ; 840. 15 ; 410. 28 
414.80; 462.28,27; 464.4; 492.82; 524.18; 602.80,81 
612. 4, 7, 17 ; 614. 4 : without 9onne in the main clause ; 20 
18,19; 84.18; 88.81,88; 54.88; 66.6,7; 78.20; 84.19 
90.29; 102.11; 118.18; 144.28; 174.2; 188.5; 210.80 
226. 4; 286. 88; 288. 2; 240. 15, 24; 250. 26; 262. 6; 264. 8 
266. 28 ; 284. 11 ; 298. 2 ; 802. 24 ; 828. 19 ; 862. 12, 26, 29 
882. 28 ; 894. 29 ; 408. 14, 24 ; 410. 12, 18, 21 ; 412. 17 ; 456 
28 ; 462. 28, 85 ; 484. 10 ; 490. 16 ; 492. 9 ; 494. 2, 14, 15, 18 
510. 11 ; 520. 16; 586. 88; 554. 80; 574. 28, 80; 578. 6; 584 
10 ; 592. 12 ; 598. 10 ; 608. 88 ; 610. 12 ; 612. 15 ; 614. 5 ; 618 
29 ; opt without dOnne in the main clause ; 152. 80 ; 180. 6 
220. 18 : indeter. 156. 14 ; 408. 20 : without 9onne in the main 
clause ; 414. 28 ; 428. 16 ; 450. 9. 

iEH. 2. (78) indie. 10. 5 ; 12. 84 ; 86. 11 ; 56. 2 ; 90. 81 ; 222. 
1 ; 280. 11 ; 874. 12 ; 526. 24, 29 ; 528. 7 ; 550. 28 ; 552. 28, 25 ; 
558. 8 ; 568. 17 ; 588. 2 : without ifonne in the main clause \ 
14. 24 ; 16. 22 ; 70. 26 ; 80. 81 ; 88. 16, 19, 20, 21 ; 92. 27 ; 94. 
4,12; 106.84; 114.80; 126.18; 144.84; 146.19; 200.81 
220. 28 ; 226. 81 ; 280. 16 ; 286. 16 ; 266. 12, 17 ; 280. 10, 16 
824. 12; 828. 22; 886. 14; 840. 27; 842. 84; 846. 14; 862. 3 
874.9; 876.82; 886.82; 408.29; 420.14; 452.1; 490.7 
584.6; 588. 1, 12; 540.88; 542.85; 550.88,85; 554.14; 560. 
19, 21 ; 566. 24 ; 568. 6 ; 592. 10 : opt without Sonne in the 
main clause ; 842. 88 ; 424. 14 ; 512. 80 : indeter. without dOnne 
in the main clause ; 150. 28. 

Quot. (10) indie. 162. 5 ; 170. 6, 9 : without Sonne in the 
main clause; 185.18; 187.19; 165.19; 169.4; 170.11; 174. 
8 : indeter. without Sonne in the main clause ; 148. 28. 

De Temp. (22) indie. 5. 7, 15; 7. 18; 9. 8, 18, 14, 17; 12. 
20 ; 18. 15 ; 19. 18 : without Sonne in the main clause ; 2. 
29; 8.25; 5.21,80; 6.6,11,14,16; 8.12; 14.22; 17.20; 
19. 10. 

Gram. (19) indie. 9. 11 ; 48. 10; 120. 11 ; 152. 2; 278. 18 
274. 6 : without Sonne in the main clause ; 9. 4, 5, 7 ; 48. 9 
68.9; 218.8; 245.18; 271.20; 278.11: indeter. 98.4 
without *Sonne in the main clause ; 126. 5, 6 ; 224. 7. 



Appendix 1 183 

LS. 1. (49) indie. 72. 876 ; 286. 60, 62 ; 490. 89 : without 
Bonne in the main clause; 18. 130, 182, 133; 20. 188, 184, 
185, 186; 108. 822; 214. 83; 288. 2; 256. 296; 286. 55 
316. 150 ; 854. 275 ; 356. 290, 297, 302 ; 360. 342 ; 366. 50 
872. 107; 374. 135; 376. 188; 382. 259; 424. 163; 456. 233 
460. 310 ; 462. 344 ; 464. 384 ; 474. 48 ; 490. 56 ; 540. 831 
opt. without 9onne in the main clause ; 64. 231 ; 508. 339 
534. 759 : indeter. 286. 44 ; 498. 183 : without Sonne in the 
main clause ; 64. 223 ; 160. 228 ; 172. 58, 59, 60 ; 234. 238 ; 
266. 68 ; 378. 197 ; 438. 108. 

LS. 2. (24) indie. 10. 183 ; 36. 532 : without Sonne in the 
main clause; 36.540; 142.270; 152.149; 164.119; 198.128; 
224,74; 332.260; 334.274; 370.240; 374.318; 384.105; 
388. 193 ; 396. 345 ; 482. 112 : opt. without Sonne in the main 
clause ; 42. 617 ; 376. 857 : indeter. 432. 91 : without Sonne 
in the mam clause; 60. 114; 164. 118; 274. 882; 800. 1801; 
414. 262. 

Int. Sig. (5) indie, without Sonne in the main clause ; 6. 47 ; 
22. 202 ; 46. 449, 450 ; 52. 508. 

Gen. (12) (eh. and v.) indie. 12. 12 ; 46. 33 : without Sonne 
m the mam clause ; 4. 12 ; 15. 15 ; 18. 18, 27 ; 27. 10 ; 29. 3 : 
opt. 44. 4 : without Sonne in the main clause ; 27. 3 ; 40. 14 : 
indeter. 9. 14. 

Eacod. (23) (eh. and v.) indie. 7. 9; 12. 26; 17. 11; 19. 13: 
without Sonne in the main clause ; 1. 15, 16 ; 3. 12, 21 ; 4. 14 ; 
7. 15 ; 12. 23, 25 ; 23. 16 ; 24. 10 ; 29. 16, 20, 21 : indeter. 12. 
13 ; 38. 9 : without Sonne in the main clause ; 9. 29 ; 12. 13 ; 
83. 8 ; 34. 33. 

Lev. (8) (eh. and v.) indie, without Sonne in the main 
clause ; 28. 10 ; 25. 1, 5 ; 26. 25, 43 : opt 2. 1 ; 4. 15 ; 10. 8. 

Num. (7) (eh. and v.) indie. 10.35; 11.9: without Sonne 
in the mam clause; 6. 22; 10. 32, 34, 36; 13. 21. 

Deut. (13) (eh. and V.) indie. 4.20; 11.29; 31.20; without 
Sonne in the main clause; 1.37; 13. 11; 23.21; 24.5; 27. 
12; 31. 29: opt 31. 10: without Sonne in the main clause; 
6. 6 ; 15. 18 ; 24. 13. 

Jos. (3) (eh. and v.) indie, without Sonne in the main clause; 
2. 17; 8. 8; 8. 6. * 



184 Appendix I 

Job. (1) indie, without 9onne in the main clause; 268. 15. 

iE. Asm. (86) indie. 74. 27 ; 76. 90 ; 77. 102 ; 87. 184 ; 93. 56 ; 
118. 868: without Sonne in the main elause; 4. 94; 8. 188, 
195; 11.271; 20. 150, 158; 28.95; 85.281; 86.808; 37.316; 
44. 493, 500 ; 45. 513 ; 50. 20 ; 51. 37, 88 ; 57. 153 ; 63. 278 ; 
74. 26; 76. 89, 100; 78. 141, 147; 80. 184; 107. 149: indeter. 
without Sonne in the main elause; 15. 45; 32. 195, 211; 63. 
266. 

JE, Th. (8) indie, without Sonne in the main elause ; 443. 
38 ; 447. 46 ; 450. 28 ; 462. 26 ; 464. 18 ; 465. 10 : opt. without 
Sonne in the main elause ; 448. 4 ; 462. 22. 

De Vet Pref. (5) indie. 6. 28 : without Sonne in the main 
elause ; 8. 8 ; 20. 3, 5, 16. 

Hex. (6) indie, without Sonne in the main elause ; 6. 12 ; 
28.21,22,23,24; 54.2. 

Coll. (4) indie, without Sonne in the main elause ; 91. 25 ; 
102. 3, 25 : opt. without Sonne in the main elause ; 103. 19. 

Neot (2) indie. 110. 123 : without Sonne in the main elause ; 
110. 124. 

Inst. (18) indie. 344. 26 ; 358. 21 ; 486. 29 : without Sonne 
in the main elause; 345. 15; 357. 19; 371. 14; 486.40; 
488. 20 : opt 415. 8 ; 470. 64 : without Sonne in the main 
elause; 849.1; 387.82; 400.30; 401.19; 402.6; 476.41; 
479. 7 : indeter. without Sonne in the main elause ; 402. 32. 

BIH. (42) indie. 17. 24 ; 19. 14, 28 ; 21. 25 ; 59. 5 ; 67. 8 ; 
95.3,25,33; 109.33; 111.16; 181.9; 195.6; 211.3: without 
Sonne in the main elause; 17.1,2,22; 35.3; 41.29,30 
51. 6; 57. 36; 59. 1; 63. 10; 91. 14, 15, 19; 107. 19; 127, 13 
129. 6, 10; 131. 22; 161. 3: opt 46. 13; 205. 28; 232. 17 
without Sonne in the main elause; 87. 15; 101. 26; 171. 13 
indeter. 223. 24 ; 227. 9 : without Sonne in the main elause 
59. 27. 

Wulf. (79) indie. 3. 15; 12. 9; 33. 17, 18; 36. 8, 11, 15, 21 ; 
36. 5; 80.3; 122.6; 140.28; 144.8; 149.6; 161.10; 192. 
25; 193.8; 198.6; 200.8; 222.11; 231.4; 236.2; 262.7, 
10; 278.18; 281.28; 306.10: without Sonne in the main 
elause; 36. 4; 36. 4, 24; 38. 16, 18; 45. 9; 46. 10; 79. 10; 
85. 17 ; 91. 9 ; 92. 17, 19, 22 ; 96. 9 ; 101. 1 ; 110. 3 ; 137. 22 ; 



Appendix I 185 

188.7; 151.17; 199.13; 222.9; 228.4; 282.18; 285.1; 
248. 17; 258. 10; 259. 10; 260. 28; 264. 1 ; 278. 23; 297. 10, 
11; 801. 11, 18: opt. 94. 16; 290. 18: without 9onne in the 
main clause ; 76. 1 ; 94. 18 ; 108. 6 ; 109. 4 ; 129. 14 ; 147. 25 ; 
171. 10 ; 181. 8 ; 224. 15 ; 234. 8 : indeter. 140. 26 ; 206. 9 ; 216. 
28 : without ifonne in the main clause ; 98. 2 ; 258. 10 ; 260. 5. 

HL. (18) indie. 148. 109 : without ffonne in the main clause ; 
145. 27; 147. 86; 148. Ill, 118, 115; 149. 188, 189, 142; 165. 
31,83; 166.58; 184.90; 191.817; 208.280; opt 148.128; 
without Ifonne in the main clause ; 155. 95 ; indeter. without 
Sonne in the main clause ; 189. 18. 

BO. (2) indie, without Ifonne in the main clause ; 79. 3, 7. 

Nic. (3) indie without Sonne in the main clause ; 510. 22 ; 
512. 18 : indeter. without Sonne in the main clause ; 502. 5. 

Ap. T. (5) indie 22. 11 : without Sonne in the main clause ; 
5. 19 ; 12. 9 ; 19. 2 : opt 5. 17. 

Epis. (3) mdic. 151. 324 ; 165. 728 : opt 142. 57. 

Byr. (87) indie. 800. 12; 810. 29; 815. 29; 818. 19; 819. 18; 
321. 21 ; 825. 11 ; 327. 14. 28 ; 828. 31. 39 ; 880. 42 : without 
Sonne in the main clause; 806. 84; 310. 12; 312. 8; 314, 1, 4; 
815. 5 ; 820. 1 ; 828. 8 ; 324. 17 ; 825. 24 ; 826. 46, 47, 48 ; 
827. 1, 2, 8, 4, 29, 80 : opt 825. 7 : without Sonne in the main 
clause ; 823. 4, 5 ; 826. 85 : indeter. without Sonne in the 
main clause ; 818. 22, 27. 

Sat. (1) indie, without Sonne in the main clause; 114.6. 

Rood. (1) opt 9. 11. 

5. Index-List of Sonne Sonne Qauses (89). 

Bo. (6) indie, without Sonne in the main clause ; 20. 27 ; 
28. 2; 81. 81 ; 93. 8; 117. 18: mdeter. without Sonne in the 
main clause; 181. 8. 

CP. (88) indie. 171. 24 ; 248. 24 ; 249. 5,6; 281. 24; 297. 8; 
801. 15, 16; 311. 12; 367. 16; 875. 10; 889. 14; 899. 10; 407. 
18 : without Sonne in the main clause ; 85. 26 ; 167. 8 ; 285. 
11; 271.11; 298.23; 806.11; 313.20; 323.15; 385.17; 
863. 12; 371. 9; 891. 9; 393. 24; 427. 82; 481. 22; 487. 11 ; 
445. 5: opt without Sonne in the main clause; 889.8: in- 
deter. without Sonne in the main clause ; 275. 18. 



186 Appendix I 

6. Index-List of 9onne . . . 9onne Clauses (8). 

Bo. (6) indie. 14. 12; 64. 30; 76. 17; 81. 29; 118. 16: in- 
deter. 88. 14. 
SoL (1) indie. 27. 7. 
CP. (1) opt 185. 10. 

7. Index-List of 9a 8e Clauses (29). 

GET. (4). Vesp. Psalms (psalm and verse) indie, without 
da in the main clause; 48. 21 ; 75. 10; 119. 7; 186. 1. 

Chron. (4) indie. 144. 26; 268. 29; mdeter. 199. 5; 208. 3. 

Laws (1) indie, without 9a in the main clause ; 140. 22. 

BH. (1) indie. 806. 18. 

CP. (1) indie, without da in the main clause; 58. 20. 

Dial. (8) indie. 191. 17 ; 265. 26; 302. 9; 826. 10, 19: indeter. 
825. 24, 26 ; 826. 18. 

L. (1) (ch. and v.) indie, without 9a in the main clause ; 8. 51. 

Mart (1) indie, without 9a in the main clause : 210. 23. 

iEH. 1. (1) indeter. 484. 11. 

LS. 2. (4) indie. 58. 63 : without 9a in the main clause ; 
220. 26 ; 266. 740 : mdeter. 846. 177. 

iE. Asm. (2) indie, without 9a in the main clause; 119. 62 : 
mdeter. 121. 152. 

BIH. (1) indie. 168. 15. 

8. Index-List of 9onne 9e Clauses (8). 

BH. indie, without 9onfie in the main clause; 850. 28. 

Dial, indie. 206. 26. 

i£H. 1. indie, without 9onne in the main clause ; 48. 12. 

9. Index-List of 9e Clauses (9). 

O. (2) indie 2. 6 : indeter. 148. 82. 

BH. (1) indie, with 9e in the main clause ; 240. 6. 

Sol. (1) indeter. 8. 5. 

CP. (2) indie. 73. 9 ; 85. 21. 

Dial. (1) indeter. 278. 17. 

BIH. (1) indie. 129. 25. 

HL. (1) indeter. 156. 114 (?). 



Appendix I 187 

10. Index-List of swa oft swa Clauses (77). 

Chron. (3) indie. 84. 20 ; 144. 10 ; 219. 33. 

Laws (6) indie. 284. 14, 19, 21 ; 447. 3: opt 68.8; 162. 15. 

O. (3) indie, with swa in the main elause; 142. 5; 184. 8; 
218. 15. 

BH. (3) indie. 262. 16 ; 354. 22 : indeter. 146. 20. 

CP. (2) indie. 167. 6 ; 313. 13. 

Dial. (11) indie. 86. 6; 106. 16; 108. 20; 126. 16; 202. 10; 
210. 15 ; 340. 4 ; 343. 2 ; 347. 20 : opt. 347. 22 : indeter. 34. 6. 

BR. (3) opt. 15. 4; 60. 22; 91. 6. 

Mart. (1) indeter. 106. 7. 

Leh. 3. (3) opt. 44. 18 ; 48. 7 ; 124. 13. 

iEH. 1. (1) mdie. 174, 27. 

JEH. 2. (3) indie. 400. 18 ; 444. 4, 5 : indeter. 494. 5. 

LS. 1. (6) indie. 244. 85; 456. 247; 496. 131 : indeter. 284. 
19 ; 496. 138 ; 500. 220. 

LS. 2. (7) indie. 120. 808 ; 338. 57 ; 344. 160 ; 434. 133 : indeter. 
with swa in the main elause ; 292. 1200 ; 294. 1207 ; 324. 152. 

De Temp. (1) indie. 16. 22. 

Gen. (1) (eh. and v.) indie. 20. 13. 

Jud. (1) (eh. and v.) indie, pro. 8. 

JE. Asm. (3) indie. 86. 182 ; 106. 122, 125. 

Inst. (4) indie. 434. 12, 15, 17: indeter. 436. 5. 

BIH. (2) indie. 127. 30 : opt 33. 21. 

Wulf. (8) indie. 106. 28 ; 190. 27 ; 236. 10 ; 248. 19 ; 278. 27 : 
opt 170. 15; 173. 8: indeter. 24. 2. 

HL. (2) indix. 106. 122 ; 145. 42. 

Byr. (1) indie. 332. 12. 

Chad. (2) indeter. 142. 66 ; 146. 192. 

11. Index-List of swa oft . . . swa Clauses (2). 
O. (1) indeter. 274. 24. 
CP. (1) indie. 273. 12. 

12. Index-List of swa . . . oftost Clauses (5). 
CP. (1) opt 5. 3. 
M. Th. (1) opt 445. 23. 
Inst. (1) opt 415. 7. 
Wulf. (2) opt. 73. 21 ; 290. 22. 



188 Appendix I 

13. Index-List of swa oft swa . . . o/tost Clauses (2). 
Wulf. (2) indie. 148. 11 ; 234. 11. 

14. Index-List of prep, + obj, (noun of time) + 9e 

Clauses (104). 

Chron. (3) indie. 178. 23 ; 240. 26 : indeter. 127. 14. 

Laws (1) indie. 128. 3. 

PPs. (3) (psalm and verse) indie. 17. 19 ; 19. 9 ; (page and 
line) 82. 2. 

O. (16) indie. 6. 30, 31 ; 62. 4 ; 74. 29 ; 142. 11 ; 168. 36 ; 
180. 21 ; 194. 33 ; 206. 13, 19 ; 214. 26 ; 224. 31 ; 232. 15, 30 ; 
260.22; 268.11. 

BH. (6) indie. 34. 29; 128. 18; 136. 2; 340. 31 : opt 76. 11. 

Bo. (1) indie. 7. 1. 

Sol. (1) indeter. 42. 9. 

CP. (4) indie. 53. 18 ; 89. 19 ; 121. 15 : opt 89. 24. 

Dial. (14) indie. 34. 29 ; 172. 18 ; 207. 1 ; 313. 21 ; 335. 29 : 
indeter. 29. 24, 30 ; 30. 12 ; 68. 3 ; 148. 11 ; 215. 8 ; 283. 4 ; 
306. 21 ; 317. 2. 

M. (1) (eh. and v.) indie. 24. 50. 

L. (3) (eh. and v.) indie. 1. 25 ; 17. 30 : indeter. 17. 29. 

John (1) (eh. and v.) indie. 4. 53. 

Leh. 1. (1) indeter. 256. 12. 

Leh. 2. (1) opt 330. 25. 

iEH. 1. (8) indie. 244. 15 ; 286. 23 ; 478. 8 ; 480. 28 ; 504. 21 : 
indeter. 82. 3 ; 414. 7 ; 574. 3. 

iEH. 2 (8) indie. 100. 18; 172.17; 350.4; 356.22: indeter. 
356. 8 ; 358. 26 ; 378. 9 ; 382. 2. 

De Temp. (1) indie. 7. 24. 

LS. 1 (9) indie. 48. 410 ; 186. 300 ; 194. 3 ; 208. 232 ; 426. 
198 ; 508. 362 ; 512. 410, 413 ; 530. 704. 

LS. 2. (7) indie. 58. 84 ; 134. 148 ; 294. 1225 ; 306. 1410 ; 316. 
37: indeter. 116. 747; 378. 1. 

Gen. (4) (eh. and v.) indie. 5. 1 ; 21. 8 : indeter. 2. 4 ; 24. 61. 

M. Asm. (1) indie. 77. 122. 

De Vet Pref. (1) indie. 16. 19. 

BIH. (2) indie. 209. 16: indeter. 27. 26. 

Wulf. (3) indie. 214. 16 ; 225. 7 ; 286. 2. 



Appendix I 189 

HL. (2) indie. 133. 588 : indeter. 134. 626. 
Nic. (1) indeter. 471. 6. 
Byr. (1) indie. 311. 28. 
Rood. (1) indeter. 3. 7. 

16. Index-List of noun of time (in oblique case) + Ife 

Clauses (38). 

Chron. (4) indie. 2. 1 ; 176. 38; 236. 29: indeter. 79. 26. 

Cart (2) indie, vol. 2, 163. 6 : indeter 217. 16. 

Laws (1) opt 162. 26. 

O. (6) indie. 20. 26 ; 60. 30 ; 224. 31 ; 226. 17 ; 286. 26 : 
indeter. 248. 7. 

BH. (6) indie. 302. 32 ; 330. 12 ; 360. 19 ; 460. 11 ; 474. 2 : 
opt 374. 27. 

Bo. (1) indeter. 121. 6. 

Dial. (6) indie. 39. 6 ; 176. 8 ; 306. 16 ; 341. 4 : indeter. 72. 4. 

BR. (1) indie. 127. 17. 

Guth. (1) indeter. 86. 3. 

Mart. (6) indie. 6. 17 ; 72. 11 ; 84. 21 : indeter. 44. 18 ; 194. 3. 

iEH. 2. (1) indie. 186. 22. 

Inst (4) indie. 487. 7: opt 471. 19, 49; 487. 67. 

BIH. (1) Indie. 205. 34. 

16. Index-List of mid Ifcem 9e Clauses (81). 

O. (9) indie, with 8a in the main elause ; 104. 16 ; 160. 27 ; 
166. 14 ; 292. 30 : without tfa in the mam elause ; 64. 25, 27 ; 
84. 33 ; 106. 15 : with swa in the main elause ; 188. 8. 

Bo. (1) indeter. {mid 9mm Be 9a . . ., 9a . . .) 8. 27. 

CP. (6) indie. 31.8; 71.24; 369.17; 397.34: mdeter. 
123. 6. 

Dial. (1) indeter. with 9a in the main elause ; 164. 9. 

Guth. (5) indie, with 9a in the main elause ; 16. 6 ; 18. 11 ; 
20. 13: with 9onne in the main elause; 16.6; 18. 11; 20. 
13 : with 9onne in the main elause ; 12. 7, 12. 

i£H. 1. (14) indie, with 9a in the main elause; 60. 11 ; 186. 
30; 374. 16; 466. 10; 468.29: without 9a in the main elause; 
100. 22 ; 122. 33 ; 126. 28 ; 698. 2 : indeter. with 9a in the 
main elause ; 202. 10, 16 ; 464. 27 ; 494. 7 ; 610. 29. 



190 Appendix I 

i£H. 2. (5) indie, without Sa in the main clause ; 892. 2 ; 
460. 29 ; 538. 12 : indeter. with 9a in the main clause ; 184. 
3; 450.9. 

LS. 1. (13) indie with Sa in the main clause ; 56. 88 ; 60. 
158 ; 68. 316 ; 106. 291 ; 318. 171 ; 324. 73 ; 452. 182 : without 
9a in the main clause; 124. 147; 218. 139, 149: indeter. with 
da in the main clause ; 68. 299 ; 402. 307 ; 452. 172. 

LS. 2. (6) indic. with 9a in the main clause ; 184. 261 : 
without 9a in the main clause ; 28. 413 ; 320. 101 ; 372. 269 ; 
indeter. with 9a in the main clause ; 406. 123 : with tnid 
9afm in the main clause ; 422. 363. 

Gen. (2) (ch. and v.) indic. with 9a in the main clause ; 
18. 2: indeter with 9a in the main clause; 22. 11. 

Jos. (4) (ch. and v.) indic with 9a in the main clause ; 
4. 18; without 9a in the main clause; 2. 5; 4. 7; 5. 13. 

Jud. (1) (ch. and v.) indeter. without 9a in the main clause ; 
16.2. 

Job. (1) indeter. with 9a in the main clause ; 267. 19. 

JE, Asm. (1) indic. with 9a in the main clause ; 86. 162. 

De Vet Pref. (4) indic with 9a in the main clause ; 6. 1 : 
without 9a in flie main clause ; 23. 25, 26 : indeter. without 
9a in the main clause ; 6. 13. 

HL. (3) indic. without 9a in the main clause; 142.95: 
indeter. with 9a in the main clause; 119. 63; 121. 139. 

Ap. T. (6) indic with 9a in the main clause ; 20. 15 ; 24. 9 ; 
27. 19 : without 9a in the main clause ; 24. 3 : indeter. without 
9a in the main clause ; 23. 12 ; 25. 3. 

17. Index-List of mid 9y 9e Clauses (57). 

BH. (8) indic with 9a in the main clause ; 168. 26 ; 866. 
12 ; 404. 17 : without 9a in the main clause ; 142. 29 ; 304. 7 ; 
436. 5 : indeter. with 9a in the main clause ; 136. 23 : without 
9a in the main clause.; 242. 22. 

CP. (1) indeter. with mid 9a in the main clause; 55. 11. 

Dial. (3) indic. 49. 25 ; 98. 20 : indeter. 298. 5. 

M. (1) (ch. and v.) indic 27. 12. 

Guth. (1) indic with 9a in the main clause ; 62. 25. 

Mart. (1) indeter. 198. 14. 



Appendix I 191 

LS. 1. (8) opt with 9a in the main clause ; 684. 754 : in- 
deter. 502. 245 ; 522. 561. 

BIH. (28) indie. 69. 29 ; 147. 28 ; 197. 28 ; 208. 26 ; 281. 7, 
81 ; 285. 16; 287. 17, 80; 289. 25, 28: {mid dy 9e 9a . ., . .) 
249. 18 : with 9a in the main clause ; 148. 18 : opt 189. 18 ; 
241. 22: indeter. 7. 19; 15. 4, 22; 17. 25; 27. 8; 71. 12; 189. 
15 ; 229. 25. 

HL. (2) indie. 204. 801 : indeter. 206. 885. 

Ap. T. (12) indie, with 9a in the main clause ; 1. 6 ; 10. 
28; 18. 25; 14. 20; 16. 1. 8; 17. 16: without 9a in the main 
clause; 12. 28: indeter. 5. 1, 26: without 9a in the main 
clause; 9. 16; 21. 19. 

Epis. (2) indie, with 9a in the main clause ; 146. 178 ; 152. 852. 

18. Index-List of mid 9an 9e Clauses (9). 

Guth. (8) indie, with 9a in the main clause ; 56. 8 ; 64. 19 ; 
68. 7 ; 82. 18 ; 86. 19 : {mid 9an 9e ..9a .., 9a . .) 52. 5 : m- 
deter. 62. 24 : with ]HEt in the main clause ; 24. 18. 

Neot. (1) indeter. with 9a in the main clause ; 107. 56. 

19. Index-List of mid 9on 9e Clauses (2). 
O. (2) mdic. 78. 8 ; 258. 25. 

20. Index-List of mid 9am Clauses (1) 
LS. 2. (1) indeter. 62. 185. 

21. Index-List of mid 9y Clauses (207). 

OET. (6) Vesp. Psalms (psalm and verse) indie. 48. 18; 
91. 8 ; 104. 12 ; 105. 44 ; 106. 28 : indeter. 4. 2. 

BH. (188) indie, with 9a in the main clause ; 82. 80 ; 102. 
80; 112. 19; 184. 7; 250. 4; 282. 25; 816. 18; 820. 1 ; 840. 88; 
888. 82 ; 410. 11 ; 454. 18 ; 460. 7 ; 480. 25 : without 9a in the 
main clause ; 28. 18 ; 86. 84 ; 102. 8 ; 190. 17 ; 282. 6 ; 244. 15 ; 
268. 28; 816. 16; 856. 8; 896. 10; 420. 5; 424. 80; 486. 18; 
488. 18 : {mid 9y ..9a.., 9a) 120. 85; 124. 81 ; 128. 14; 180. 
20 ; 180. 26 ; 182. 18 ; 194. 18 ; 198. 2 ; 212. 18 ; 214. 27 ; 232. 
80 ; 266. 17 ; 288. 14 ; 292. 19 ; 294. 28 ; 804. 25 ; 826. 5 ; 828. 
13 ; 884. 8 ; 888. 8 ; 840. 18, 28 ; 852. 15. 18 ; 864. 14 ; 884. 18, 
28 ; 886. 14 ; 888. 9, 22 ; 892. 27 ; 394. 28 ; 412. 7 ; 414. 4 ; 



192 Appendix 1 

416. 12; 426. 6, 9, 26; 428, 82; 430. 15; 432. 28; 454. 1, 27; 
462. 1, 16 : {mtd Sy . . . 9a . . .) 112. 7 : 184. 12 ; 226. 34; 272. 
8 ; 276. 22 ; 868. 16 ; 890. 30 ; 392. 31 ; 410. 8 ; 428. 4 ; 430. 27 ; 
470. 3 : {mid Sy 9a . . ., 9a) 34. 22 ; 226. 29 ; 262. 24 ; 270. 16; 
286. 28; 320. 14, 30; 324. 19; 382. 8: {mid 9y . . . 9onne . . ., 
9onne) 82.25; 86.11; 88.2: opt. without 9a in the main 
clause ; 418. 29 : indeter. with 9a in the main clause ; 126. 13 ; 
214. 3 ; 234. 6, 18 ; 298. 9 ; 314. 5 ; 356. 30 ; 392. 30 ; 428. 30 ; 
430. 24; 462. 7 : without 9a m the main clause ; 270. 22 ; 330. 
31 ; 406. 10 ; 444. 7 : {mid 9y . . , 9a . . ., 9a) 114. 8; 132. 15; 
162. 24; 184. 27; 186. 1 ; 234. 24; 244. 1, 4; 284. 5; 294. 12; 
820. 24; 326. 27; 346. 32; 368. 1; 382. 24; 386. 11; 396. 15; 
428. 27 ; 440. 2 ; 452. 7. 13 : {mid 9y...9a..) 122. 27 ; 352. 
9; 458.2; 474.4. 

Dial. (11) indie, {mid 9y 9a . . ^ 9y) 226. 16: {mid 9y . . ., 
9a) 243. 3; 288. 2: {mid 9y 9a . . .,) 170. 14: {mid 9y) 136. 
14 ; 167. 23 ; 170. 27 ; 293. 25 : indeter. 155. 27 ; 159. 17 : {mid 
9y 9a.,.,9d) 52. 30. 

Guth. (25) indie, {mid 9y . . . 9a . . .,9a) 18. 6; 22. 16; 36. 
13; 40. 18; 76. 18; 80. 10; 90. 11; 94. 13: {mid 9y 9a . . ., 
9a) 72. 4: {mid 9y . . ., 9a) 16. 1 ; 38. 20; 44. 4; 50. 13 ; 78. 
22; 96. 15: {mid9y) 14. 19; 26. 20: indeter. {mid 9y . . ., 9a) 
18.21; 30.13; 40.27; 48.21; 68.11; 86.15: {mid 9y) 20. 
23 ; {mid 9y . . ,9a) indie. 56. 10. 

LS. 2. (2) indie, with 9a in the main clause ; 336. 25 : in- 
deter. {mid 9y 9a ..., 9a) 338. 62. 

BIH. (6) mdic. 237. 15; 243. 1 ; 245. 31 ; 247. 5; 249. 2, 11. 

HL. (1) indie. 207. 403. 

Epis. (18) indie, {mid 9y . . . 9a, 9a) 146. 187 ; 148. 232 ; 
154.392,398; 155.417; 161.609; 162.612; 165.726: {mid 
9y . . ., 9a) 149. 257; 152. 335; 159. 532; 164. 684: {mid 9y 
9a . . ,, 9a) 164. 697 : indeter. with 9a in the main clause ; 
159. 534; 165. 714: {mid 9y . . . 9a . . ., 9a) 143. 88; 152. 356 ; 
158. 512. 

22. Index-List of mid 9an Clauses (6). 

Guth. (6) indie, with 9a in the main clause ; 22. 21 ; 74. 22 : 
{mid 9an , . . 9a . . ., 9a) 94. 22 : indeter. with 9a in the main 
clause ; 20. 9 : {mid 9an . . ., 9a) 70. 11 ; 88. 25. 



Appendix I 193 

28. Index-List of mit te Clauses (8). 
OET. (8) Vesp. Psalms (psalm and verse) indeter. 105. 44. 
Chad. (2) indeter. 148. 97 ; 144. 118. 

24. Index-List of mities Clauses (6). 
Chad. (6) indie. 144. 121, 186 ; 147. 234, 262 ; opt. (?) 146. 
178. 

26. Index-List of mid 9on doege Clauses (1). 
BIH. (1) indie. 133. 18. 

26. Index-List of mid Bonn Bctt Clauses (2). 
O. (2) indie. 190. 21 : indeter. 286. 14. 

27. Index-List of mid dan 9cBt Clauses (1). 
Guth. (1) indie, with 8a in the main clause ; 66. 20. 

28. Index-List of Sonecan Se Clauses (3). 
Bo. (3) indie. 61. 6 : opt. 44. 7 ; 68. 2. 

29. Index-List of swa kwanne swa Clauses (1). 
CP. (1) opt 389. 86. 

30. Index-List of on swa hwilcum doege swa Clauses (2). 
Gen. (2) (ch. and v.) indie. 2. 17, 86. 

31. Index-List of swa hwilce dceg(e) swa Clauses (2). 
Chron. (1) opt 72. 81. 
Exod. (1) (ch. and v.) indeter. 10. 28. 

32. Index-List of Ifonne cer 9e Clauses (1). 
Bo. (4) indie. 49. 27. 

88. Index-List of swa Clauses (12). 

Chron. (1) opt 130. 36. 

O. (3) mdic. 200. 20 : indeter. 198. 7, 24. 

Dial. (1) indeter. 29. 12. 

BR. (3) opt 90. 9, 14; 91. 13. 

Lch. 2. (3) opt 306. 30; 310. 2 ; 316. 9. 

Wulf. (1) indie. 238. 12. 



194 Appendix I 

84. Index-List of swa foft Clauses (5). 
Chron. (1) indie 162. 13. 

Lch. 1. (1) opt. 246. 2. 
AH. 2. (1) indeter. 18. 21. 
Deut (1) (ch. and v.) indie 9. 9. 
Wulf. (1) indie. 298. 14. 

85. Index-List of kwamne Clauses (8). 
Laws. (8) opt 144. 19 ; 194. 8 : indeter. 140. 12. 

86. Index-List of 9€gr Clauses (28). 

BH. (2) opt 28. 20 : indeter. 270. 80. 

CP. (6) indie. 129. 7 ; 809. 18 : opt 468. 4 : indeter. 37. 8 ; 
265. 18. 

Guth. (1) opt with tor in the main elause ; 4. 8. 

Mart. (5) indie. 50. 13 ; 176. 21 ; 188. 11 ; 190. 22 : indeter. 
192.6. 

Leh. 2. (1) opt 818. 19. 

LS. 1. (2) indie. 426. 176, 208. 

LS. 2. (1) indeter. 284. 1088. 

Deut. (2) (eh. and v.) opt 16. 10 ; 28. 82. 

i£. Asm. (1) indie. 44. 492. 

iE. Th. (1) indie. 456. 13. 

Inst. (2) indie. 424. 21 ; 486. 36. 

BIH. (1) indie. 3. 14. 

Wulf. (4) indie. 162. 21; 176. 80; 190. 27: indeter. 100. 2. 

87. Index.-List of Ifcer tkxr Clauses (18). 

O. (1) opt 242. 12. 

Bo. (8) indie. 9. 5 ; with dotme in the main elause ; 88. 24 ; 
71. 17. 

SoL (2) indie. 44. 2 : opt 42. 1. 

CP. (9) mdie. 818. 18 ; 861. 7 ; 871. 11 ; 399. 17 ; 451. 6 ; 466. 
4; 457.12; 468.2.4. 

iEH. 1 (2) indie. 182. 29 ; 252. 20. 

iEH. 2. (2) indie. 146. 15 ; 558. 2. 

88. Index-List of swa hwctr swa Clauses (2). 
Lch. 8. (1) indie. 244. 11. 
De Temp. (1) indie. 6. 28. 



Appendix I 196 

39. Index-List of loca hwar Clauses (4). 
Lch. 3. (3) opt. 226. 13, 16. 19. 
Byr. (1) opt 322. 31. 

40. Index-List of locfaj hwanne Clauses (4). 
Chron. (1) indie. 158. 4. 
Cart (1) opt vol. 1. 137. 31. 
LS. 1. (1) indeter. 336 (heading). 
Wulf. (1) indie. 199. 16. 

41. Index-List of nu Clauses (1). 
Bo. (1) indie. 80. 23. 

42. Index-List of gi/ Clauses (1). 
LS. 2. (1) indie. 36. 625. 



B. CLAUSES DENOTING IMMEDIATE SEQUENCE (369). 

1. Index-List of sofia swa Clauses (154). 

Chroa (10) indie, with 9a in the main clause ; 79. 18 ; 
133.23; 135.11; 156.32; 223.2; with ^nne in the main 
clause; 131. 14: without 9a in the main clause; 35. 9; 130. 
26,40; 156.1. 

Cart (1) indie, without Sa in the main clause ; voL 2, 237. 9. 

Laws. (1) indeter. without Sd in the main clause ; 278. 5. 

PPs. (1) (psalm-number and verse) indie, without 9a in the 
main clause ; 47. 5. 

O. (3) indie, without 9a in the main clause ; 78. 22 : indeter. 
with 9a in the main clause ; 96. 14 ; 230. 2. 

Bo. (2) indie, with 9a in the main clause; 116. 6: without 
9a in the main clause; 11. 2. 

CP. (2) indie, without 9a in the main clause ; 35. 15 : indeter. 
without 9a in the main clause ; 35. 21. 

Dial. (65) indie, with 9d in the main clause ; 11. 22 ; 28. 21 
37. 23; 46. 10; 49. 13; 62. 29; 72.22; 82.25; 84. 16; 143. 7 
196.9; 277.23; 279. 19 : without ^ in the main clause; 11.23 
79. 33; 82. 2; 97. 20; 111. 12; 115. 22; 121. 23; 123. 9; 149 
16 ; 154. 16 ; 159. 5 ; 164. 8 ; 196. 22 ; 198. 9 ; 208. 25 ; 212. 14 

O 2 



196 Appendix I 

221. 25; 230. 14; 235. 4; 242. 27; 244. 2; 293. 18; 295. 19; 
306. 4, 13 ; 313. 5 ; 325. 6 ; 344. 17 ; 347. 32 : opt without 9a 
in the main clause ; 195. 27 ; 302. 2 ; 317. 7 : indeter. with 9a 
in the main clause ; 29. 13 ; 31. 10 ; 36. 15 ; 39. 2 ; 221. 22 
without 9a in the main clause; 27. 34; 30. 9; 50. 17 ; 57. 30 
97.8; 131.26; 163.14; 165.24; 167.20; 180.27; 183.7 
206. 5; 211. 5; 222. 1 ; 234. 17. 

Mk. (1) (ch. and v.) indie, without 9a in the main clause ; 
14.45. 

L. (2) (ch. and v.) indie, with 9a in the main clause ; 1. 44 ; 
4.17. 

BR. (8) indie, without 9a in the main clause ; 19. 18 ; 20. 
1 ; 61. 2 ; 67. 20 : opt. without 9a in the main clause : 66. 15 ; 
73.8; 83.3; 101.8. 

Guth. (1) indie, with 9a in the main clause ; 44. 2. 

Mart. (6) indie, with 9a in the main clause ; 52. 21 ; 122. 21 ; 
without 9a in the main clause ; 48. 12 : indeter. with 9a in 
the main clause ; 192. 21 ; 216. 28 : without 9a in the main 
clause ; 162. 19. 

Lch. 2 (1) indie, with 9onne in the main clause; 114. 18. 

Lch. 3 (2) indie, with 9a in the main clause ; 42. 14 : without 
9a in the main clause ; 438. 3. 

LS. 1 (7) indie, with 9a in the main clause; 114. 422; 416. 
42 ; 488. 21 : without 9a in the main clause ; 178. 146 ; 444. 
52 ; 538. 819 : indeter. with 9a in the main clause ; 124. 140. 

LS. 2 (11) indie, with 9a in the main clause; 46. 690; 236. 
280 : without 9a in the main clause ; 12. 184 ; 38. 570 ; 50. 
758 ; 128. 46 ; 386. 142 : indeter. with 9a in the main clause ; 
194. 77 ; 274. 886 ; without 9a in the main clause ; 46. 683 ; 
64. 157. 

Gen. (1) (ch. and v.) indie, without 9a in the main clause; 
27. 27. 

Num. (1) (ch. and v.) indie without 9a in the main clause ; 
21.8. 

JE. Asm. (1) indeter. without 9a in the main clause; 97. 161. 

Inst. (5) indie, without 9a in the main clause ; 387. 42 ; 480. 
45 ; 486. 41 : opt. without 9a in the main clause ; 482. 54 : 
indeter. with 9a in the main clause ; 375. 31. 



/ 

r 



Appendix I 197 

BIH. (7) indie, with 9a in the main clause ; 173. 83 ; 187. 
28; 193.4: without 9a in the main clause; 137.3; 167.9; 
191. 29 : opt. without 9a in the main clause ; 37. 21. 

Wulf. (8) indie, with 9a in the main clause ; 22. 6 : without 
9a in the main clause; 9. 1, 10; 196. 10: indeter. with 9a in 
the main clause ; 8. 5 ; 100. 16 ; 306. 27 : without 9a in the 
main clause ; 154. 1. 

HL. (2) indie, without 9a in the main clause ; 240. 64 : in- 
deter. without 9a in the main clause; 198. 118. 

Ap. T. (6) indie. 11. 22 ; 16. 16 ; 19. 3 ; 21. 24 : indeter. 6. 20. 

2. Index-List of sona swa . . . swa Clauses (23). 
Chron. (2) indie. 86. 31 : indeter. 253. 6. 

O. (6) indie. 118. 11; 158. 16; 222. 18; 262. 11: indeter. 
166.9. 
BH. (2) indie. 30. 2 ; 256. 24. 
Bo. (2) indie. 14.3; 141.5. 

CP. (5) indie. 57. 5; 241. 10; 431. 17; 463. 34; 465. 13. 
Dial. (1) indeter. 67. 15. 
LS, 1 (1) indie. 478. 101. 
Gen. (1) (eh. and v.) indie. 37. 23. 
Jos. (1) (eh. and v.) indie. 3. 15. 
JE. Asm. (1) indie. 109. 245. 
HL. (2) indeter. 196. 26; 198. 91. 

3. Index-List of sona swa . . . sona Clauses (7). 
BR. (1) opt, 13. 17. 

Guth. (2) indie, with 9a in the main clause ; 50. 2, 3. 
Lch. 1 (2) opt. 218. 23 ; 246. 8. 
Epis. (1) indeter. 155. 414. 
Rood. (1) indie. 5. 5. 

4. Index-List of sona . . . swa Clauses (5). 
BH. (2) indie. 46. 19 ; 154. 34. 

Dial (1) mdic. 37. 18. 

BR. (1) opt 126. 20. 

LS. 2 (1) indeter. 138. 210. 

5. Index-List of swa sona swa Clauses (1). 
LS. 2 (1) indie. 436. 184. 



198 Appendix I 

6. Index-List of sona swa swa Clauses (1). 
DiaL (1) indeter. 214. 12. 

7. Index-List of swa . . . swa Clauses (2). 

O. (1( indeter. 172. 10. 
Bo. (1) indie 67. 28. 

8. Index-List of swa Clauses (8). 

Chron. (1) indie. 99. 4. 

O. (2) indie 246. 14: opt 116. 27. 

Bo. (1) indie. 145. 25. 

Dial. (1) indie 36. 81. 

Lch. 2. (1) opt. 828. 28. 

LS. 2. (1) indie 840. 89. 

HL. (1) indie 196. 61. 

9. Index-List oi on an . . . swa Clauses (2). 
Wulf. (2) indie 16. 14; 110. 11. 

10. Index-List of StBrrihte swa Clauses (1). 
iEH. 2. (1) indie 80. 8. 

11. Index-List of swa (h)ra8e swa Clauses (37). 

Chron. (2) indie 174. 26 : indeter. 196. 30. 

O. (1) indie 166. 6. 

Lch. 8. (1) opt 122. 7. 

iEH. 1. (9) indie with swa in the main clause; 16. 9; 584. 
21 : without swa in the main clause ; 150. 12 ; 200. 8 ; 286. 38 ; 
322. 31 ; 560. 8 : mdeter. 816. 15 ; 872. 8. 

iEH. 2. (12) indie with swa in the main clause; 168. 22 ; 
176. 2 ; 354. 1 : without swa in the main clause ; 858. 8 ; 416. 
4; 476.8; 494. 11; 526. 1: indeter. with swa in the main 
clause; 178. 14; 196. 10: without swa in the main clause; 
414. 25 ; 492. 7. 

De Temp. (1) indie 3. 13. 

LS. 1. (4) indie with swa in the main clause ; 192. 892 : 
with swa hraSie in the main clause ; 18. 126 ; 46. 375 ; 402. 306. 

LS. 2. (4) indie 178. 169 ; 184. 247 ; 330. 236 ; 382. 72. 

Jos. (1) (ch. and v.) indie 3. 13. 



Appendix I 199 

Wulf. (1) opt 301. 26. 
Ap. T. (1) indeter. 18. 18. 

12. Index-List of swa . . . (hjrafost Clauses (7). 
Chron. (1) indeter. 94. 1. 
Laws. (1) indie. 458. 8. 
Lch. 1 (1) opt 166. 26. 
Lch. 2. (1) opt 346. 20. 
LS. 1. (1) opt 636. 794. 
Gen. (1) (ch. and v.) indie. 46. 19. 
Wulf. (1) opt 39. 8. 

13. Index-List of swa air swa (2). 
BH. (1) indie. 248. 26. 
LS. 1. (1) indie. 368. 317. 

14. Index-List of 9on ar Be Clauses (2). 
Bo. (1) indie. 26. 18. 
CP. (1) opt 331. 3. 

16. Index-List of swa ricene swa Clauses (1). 
iEH. 1. (1) indeter. 86. 34. 

16. Index-list of swa radltce swa Clauses (1). 
Chron. (1) indie. 268. 16. 

17. Index-List of swa swiSe swa Clauses (1). 
BIH. (1) indie. 186. 6. 

18. Index-List of sofia 9as 9e Clauses (39). 

Chron. (2) indie. 176. 6 ; 231. 1. 

Cart. (1) indie, vol. 1. 137. 9. 

BH. (33) indie. 34. 26 ; 44. 16 ; 46. 8 ; 60. 22 ; 90. 13 ; 104. 
32; 124.10; 138.23; 142.18; 162.16; 168.3; 180.7; 208.8; 
228. 3; 236. 10; 266. 30; 260. 16; 292. 29; 326. 22; 362. 26; 
380. 16; 422. 3; 432. 17; 440. 14; 460. 7; 464. 11; opt 190. 
16: indeter. 138. 7 ; 394. 1 ; 404. 3, 23; 428. 21 ; 468. 16. 

Guth. (2) indie, with da in the main elause 26. 19 ; 60. 14. 

Epis. (1) indie. 148. 249. 



200 Appendix 1 

19. Index-List of sona . . . 9ces ife Clauses (2). 
BH. (2) indie. 200. 3 ; 418. 22. 

20. Index-List of sona cerest fas tfe Clauses (1). 
BR (1) indie. 200. 9. 

21. Index-List of sona from fruman ifces de Clauses (1). 
Guth. (1) indie. 26. 10. 

22. Index-List of sona 9cbs Clauses (2). 
Chron. (1) indie, without ifa in the main clause ; 199. 26. 
Epis. (1) indie, with ifa in the main clause ; 168. 499. 

23. Index-List of fass ife , . » sona instaspe Clauses (1). 
BH. (1) indie. 402. 33. 

24. Index-List of sona hra^e das 9e Clauses (1). 
BH. (1) indie. 98. 7. 

26. Index-List of (h)ralf(e) das de Clauses (14). 
Chron. (2) indie. 182. 13; 228. 4. 

O. (12) indie. 160.3; 170.4; 190.2,6; 200.3; 202.14; 
208. 10; 224. 9; 236. 17; 242. 16; 266. 7; 292. 11. 

26. Index-List of (h)rade . . . das de Clauses (4). 
O. (2) indie. 184. 13 ; 246. 4. 
BH. (1) indie. 162. 6. 
BIH. (1) mdeter. 27. 21. 

27. Index-List of rode das . , . de Clauses (1). 
O. (1) indie. 168. 26. 

28. Index-List oiforrade das de Clauses (1). 
Cart (1) indie, vol. 2. 316. 16. 

29. Index-List of swide hrade das de Clauses (1). 
Bo. (1) indie. 133. 23. 

30. Index-List of swide hradUce das de Clauses (1). 
Chron. (1) indeter. 106. 26. 



Appendix I 201 

31. Index-List of instepes doss de Clauses (1). 
BIH. (1) indie. 36. 5. 

32. Index-List of hrctdlice sMan Qauses (1). 
iEH. 2. (1) indie. 136. 22. 

33. Index-List of sMan . . . raSe Clauses (1). 
O. (1) indie. 178. 2. 

34. Index-List of sona . . . sMan Clauses (3). 
Guth. (1) indie. 36. 6. 

i£. Asm. (1) indie. 14. 36. 
Hex. (1) indeter. 56. 8. 

36. Index-List of sona sylftfan Clauses (2). 

BH. (1) indie. 132. 4. 
BIH. (1) opt HI. 29. 

36. Index-List of swUfe hra^e sMan Clauses (1). 
CP. (1) opt 465. 22. 

37. Index-List of sona nUd ifam de Clauses (1). 
LS. 1. (1) indeter. 480. 151. 

38. Index-List of mid dam de . . . sona Clauses (4). 
O. (1) indie. 274. 3. 

Dial. (2) indie, with 9a in the main clause; 37. 18 : indeter. 
without da in the main elause ; 46. 27. 
Guth. (1) indeter. without 9a in the main elause ; 20. 22. 

39. Index-List of mid 9am 9e . . . hrcsdlice Clauses (1). 
Dial. (1) indeter. with 9a in the main elause ; 142. 10. 

40. Index-List of mid 9am 9e . . , fceringa Clauses (1). 
Guth. (1) indie, with 9a in the main clause; 14. 15. 

41. Index-List oifasrlice mid 9am 9e Clauses (1). 
JEH. 1. (1) indie, with 9a in the main clause ; 430. 32. 

42. Index-List of sona mid 9an 9e Clauses (1). 
BIH. (1) mdic. 199. 20. 



202 Appendix I 

43. Index-List of sona mid 9y tk Clauses (1). 
BH. (1) indeter. 186. 13. 

44. Index-List of mid ty 8e . . . sona Clauses (6). 
BH. (1) indie, with 9a in the main clause ; 34. 31. 

DiaL (3) indie, with 9a in the main clause ; 165. 14 ; 197. 
9 : without 9a in the main clause ; 80. 10. 
BIH. (1) indie, with 9a in the main clause; 139. 21. 

45. Index-List of mid 9y 9e . . , hraSe Clauses (4). 
DiaL (1) indeter. with 9a in the main clause; 142. 11. 
BIH. (3) indie, without 9a in the main clause ; 229. 10 ; 

245. 23 : indeter. without 9a in the main clause ; 245. 14. 

46. Index-List of mid 9y 9e . . . semninga Clauses (2). 
BIH. (2) indeter. with 9a in the main clause; 145. 11; 
147. 32. 

47. Index-List of mid 9y 9e . , . fctringa Clauses (1). 
Ap. T. (1) indie, with 9a in the main clause ; 15. 4. 

48. Index-List of sona asfkr 9am 9e Clauses (1). 
Chron. (1) indie. 231. 10. 

49. Index-List of sona ctfUr 9on 9e Clauses (1). 
BIH. (1) indie. 121. 6. 

50. Index-List of swi9e hra9e after 9on 9e Clauses (1). 
Dial. (1) indie 297. 14. 

51. Index-List of cefter 9on 9e . . . sona Clauses (2). 
; BH. (1) indeter. 126. 19. 

Dial. (1) indie. 260. 15. 

52. Index-List of naht lange after 9am Clauses (1). 
Mart. (1) indeter. 110. 3. 

53. Index-List of sona 9a Clauses (5). 
Dial. (3) indie. 31. 8; 143. 6: indeter 57. 30. 
LS. 2. (1) indie. 262. 522. 
BIH. (1) indie. 177. 33. 



Appendix I 208 

54. Index-List of to Ban sona swa Clauses (3). 

Guth. (8) indie. 54. 15; 68. 19: without Ba in the main 
clause ; 60. 16. 



C. CLAUSES DENOTING DURATION (449). 

1. Index-List of Ba kwik Ik Clauses (262). 

OET. (2) opt 175. 13. 17. 

Chron. (26) indie. 89.9; 104.9; 117.36; 144.20; 149.1; 
160. 18; 161. 12; 165. 19; 192. 6; 193. 11; 194. 24; 283. 36; 
240.6: opt. 168.11: indeter. 97.38; 102.29; 214.17; 121. 
13; 158. 15; 160. 4; 162. 3, 11 ; 164.80; 208.20; 242.7; 246. 1. 

Cart (25) indie, vol. 2. 225. 22 ; 829. 28 ; voL 8. 891. 14 : 
opt vol. 1, 560. 8; vol. 2. 178. 25; 179. 22; 196. 18, 23, 28; 
208. 6 ; 217. 12 ; 222. 11. 17 ; 225. 9 ; 252. 3 ; 269. 1 ; 267. 3 ; 
809. 14, 18 ; vol. 3. 76. 1 ; 402. 35 ; 432. 28 : indeter. vol. 1. 
575. 14, 17 ; vol. 2. 287. 10. 

Laws. (13) indie. 214. 20; 222. 3; 268. 16, 22; 278. 13, 21 ; 
298. 25 ; 446. 25 : opt 250. 85 ; 290. 25 ; 884. 85 : indeter. 
400. 18. 24. 

PPs. (4) (psalm and verse) indie. 45. 4 ; 48. 7, 11 : opt 48. 7. 

O. (8) indie. 72. 22 ; 118. 9 ; 146. 4 ; 222. 17 ; 254. 7 : indeter. 
124. 10; 126.11; 148.14. 

BH. (1) indeter. 890. 2. 

Bo. (22) indie. 23. 14; 26. 16; 62. 4; 76. 7 ; 90. 24. 29, 31 ; 
95. 14; 108. 9; 113. 24; 114. 8, 5, 18; 122. 8; 128. 11, 12; 
135. 28; 136. 21 : opt 102. 18: indeter. 41. 4; 49. 27; 108. 2. 

Sol. (14) indie. 29. 12; 81. 19, 26; 48. 23; 52. 11; 58. 5; 
65. 13; 69. 12; 70. 1 : opt 18. 28; 14. 4; indeter. 1. 17; 48. 
5 ; 59. 28. 

CP. (18) indie. 159. 4 ; 295. 8 ; 881. 15 ; 421. 27 ; 481. 14 ; 
467. 15. 17 : opt 7. 12 ; 48. 10 ; 68. 19 ; 247. 15 : indeter. 249. 
7 ; 261. 16. 

Dial. (17) indie. 50. 22; 224.6; 289.25; 294.16; 308.21, 
28 ; 306. 8 ; 327. 21 ; 828. 21 ; 885. 5 ; 850. 18 : opt 218. 22 ; 
829. 6 ; 348. 12 ; 850. 12 ; indeter. 207. 20 ; 807. 15. 

M. (2) (eh. and v.) indie. 5. 25 ; 9, 15. 



204 Appendix I 

L. (1) (ch. and v.) indeter. 17. 8. 

John. (3) (ch. and v.) indie. 9. 4; 12. 35: opt. 12. 36. 

BR. (3) indie. 127. 16 : opt 2. 14 ; 6, 6. 

Guth. (3) opt. 86. 1 : indeter. 60. 8 ; 84. 9. 

Lch. 1. (4) indie. 397. 4: opt 202. 15; 256. 20; 390. 16. 

Leh. 2. (1) opt 120. 16. 

Leh. 3. (4) opt 122. 6 ; 432. 6 : indeter. 44. 1 ; 288. 2. 

iEH. 1. (5) indie. 350. 18; 518. 28; 598. 9: indeter. 10. 36; 
216. 28. 

i£H. 2. (8) indie. 124. 20; 126. 20; 340. 5; 388. 5; 430. 32 ; 
454. 30 ; 560. 16 ; 678. 33. 

Quot (1) indie. 151. 10. 

De Temp. (2) indie. 5. 17 ; 16. 26. 

Ls. 1. (4) indie. 280. 270 ; 286. 39 : indeter. 264. 61 ; 438. 89. 

LS. 2. (3) indie. 96. 457 ; 204. 220 ; 364. 134. 

Int Sig. (1) indie. 42. 406. 

Exod. (1) (eh. and v.) indeter. 33. 22. 

Lev. (1) (eh. and v.) indie. 26. 33. 

Deut (1) (eh. and v.) indeter. 31. 27. 

Job. (1) indie. 270. 11. 

JE. Th. (3) indie. 446. 14 ; 464. 34 ; 466. 13. 

Hex. (5) indie. 8. 20, 30 ; 14. 3 ; 34. 28 : indeter. 24. 3. 

Inst (12) opt 369. 23; 370. 34; 370. 46; 371. 8; 372. 13, SO; 
375. 18; 388. 3; 399. 20; 421. 9; 436. 26; 438. 20. 

BIH. (13) indie. 25.27; 35.34; 96.24; 101.16; 103.28; 
115.20; 125.3; 175.2; 196.6; 205.3; 225.34; opt 101. 
9, 10. 

Wulf. (27) indie. 4. 7; 6. 6; 76. 5; 94. 12; 106. 1; 107. 26; 
113.16; 115.12; 119.1; 129.13; 150.9; 207. 29; 208. 31 ; 
209. 11; 281. 8, 14: opt 27. 5; 150. 16; 204. 6; 271. 15; 804. 
22; 308. 11: indeter. 5. 11; 40. 25; 135. 17; 164. 5; 291. 18. 

HL. (8) indie. 166. 52 : opt 143. 148 ; 164. 4, 46 ; 165. 45 ; 
198. 266: indeter. 122. 173; 190. 266. 

Ap. T. (1) indeter. 27. 27. 

2. Index-List of ifa kwiie Clauses (6). 

Cart 2. (1) opt 199. 45. 
Sol. (1) indie. 47. 14. 



Appendix I 205 

Mart. (1) indeter. 208. 2. 

Lch. 3 (3) indie. 2. 6; 288. 5: opt. 122. 18. 

3. Index-List of ifa kwik to/ Clauses (8). 
Chron. (2) indie. 262. 84; 253. 1. 
Cart. (1) indie, vol. 2. 453. 27. 

4. Index-List of on tfare kwik Be Clauses (2). 
O. (2) indie. 130.9; 170.12. 

5. Index-List of wik Clauses (2). 
Chron. (2) indie. 264. 26 : indeter. 268. 10. 

6. Index-List of 9a tfrage tfe Clauses (1). 
Leh. 2. (1) opt. 284. 14. 

7. Index-List of 9a hnge 9e Clauses (1). 
Lch. 3. (1) opt 114. 18. 

8. Index-List of swike hwik swa Clauses (1). 
Lch. 3. (1) opt. 112. 17. 

9. Index-List of swa manige dagas swa Clauses (1) 
LS. 1. (1) indeter. 26. 392. 

10. Index-List of swa hnge swa Clauses (50). 
OET. (1) Vesp. Psalms (psalm and verse) indie. 145. 1. 
Chron. (2) indie. 142. 1 ; 267. 22. 
Cart. 2. (2) opt. 67. 30 : indeter. 122. 10. 
Cart. 3. (3) indie. 390. 33 ; opt. 106. 39 : indeter. 217. 27. 
Laws. (2) indie. 212. 26 : indeter. 175. 31. 
BH. (3) indie. 436. 2; 464. 8: opt. 286. 21. 
Bo. (2) indie. 91. 24: indeter. 48. 29. 
CP. (1) indie. 349. 6. 

Dial. (4) indie. 282. 25: indeter. 69. 22; 83. 17; 200. 4. 
M. (1) (eh. and v.) indie. 25. 45. 
Mk. (1) (eh. and v.) indie. 2. 19. 
L. (1) (eh. and v.) indie. 6. 34. 
Mart. (1) indie. 214. 13. 
Leh. 1. (1) indie. 224. 23. 



206 Appendix I 

Lch. 3. (2) indie. 428. 30 : opt 4. 26. 
iEH. 1. (2) indie. 54. 13; 626. 34. 

iGH.2. (6) indie. 66.29; 108. 15,28; 230.30; 406.28: 
indeter. 232. 2. 
LS. 1. (2) indie. 468. 456: indeter. 218. 129. 
LS. 2. (2) indie. 274. 885 ; 302. 1348. 
Deut (2) (eh. and v.) opt 4. 9 ; 22. 29. 
De Vet Pref. (1) indie. 6. 20. 
JE. Asm. (3) indie. 86. 181 ; 106. 121 : opt 98. 202. 
Hex. (1) indie. 36. 13. 
BIH. (1) indie. 169. 20. 
Wulf. (3) indie. 288. 25 : opt 46. 8 ; 300. 21. 

11. Index-List of swa lange swa . . . swa lange Clauses (4). 
O. (1) indie. 274. 10. 
M. (1) (eh. and v.) indie. 25. 40. 
iEH. 2. (1) indie. 108. 28. 
Wul£ (1) indie. 289. 6. 

12. Index-List of swa lange . . . swa Clauses (1). 
iEH. 2. (1) indeter. 230. 35. 

13. Index-List of swe hnge Clauses (1). 
OET. (1) Vesp. Psalms (psalm and verse) indie. 103. 38. 

14. Index-List of swa lange Ifcsi Clauses (1). 
Chron. (1) indie. 260. 34. 

15. Index-List of swa . . . lengost Clauses (1). 
Chron. (1) indie. 161. 1. 

16. Index-List of Senden Clauses (7). 
Laws. (1) opt 74. 1. 
BR (1) indeter. 188. 4. 
Leh. 2. (8) indie. 204. 1 ; 222. 9 : opt 262. 9. 
Mart (2) indie. 40. 1 ; 142. 26. 

17. Index-List of on Sam 3e Clauses (2). 
Chron. (2) indie. 169. 28; 179. 16. 



Appendix I 207 

18. Index-List of under 9am de Clauses (1). 
O. (1) indie. 30. 6. 

19. Index-List of betwux 9am 9e Clauses (2). 
LS. 2. (2) indeter. 254. 648; 322. 123. 

20. Index-List of betweoh 9on 9e Clauses (1). 
BH. (1) indeter. 360. 10. 

21. Index-List of on(a)mang 9am 9e Clauses (16). 

Chron. (8) indie. 169. 3 ; 226. 3, 24 ; 229. 2 ; 241. 1 ; 243. 26 ; 
246. 12 : indeter. 239. 31. 

LS. 1. (1) indie. 502. 246. 

HL. (1) indie. 172. 92. 

Nic. (6) indie. 474.7; 476.12; 484.3; 502.12; 610.11; 
511. 11. 

22. Index-List of ongemong 9an (9ann) 9e Clauses (2). 
CP. (1) indie. 339. 24. 
Wulf. (1) indie. 84. 4. 

23. Index-List of gemong 9am 9e Clauses (2). 
O. (1) indie. 160. 6. 
Lch. 3. (1) opt 106. 10. 

24. Index-List of prep. + obj\ (noun of iimej + 9e Clauses (4). 
BH. (1) indie. 128. 18. 
JEH. 2. (1) indie. 160. 1. 
LS. 1. (1) indie. 616. 477. 
LS. 2. (1) indeter. 294. 1223. 

26. Index-List of noun of time (oblique case) + dt Qauses (1). 
CP. (1) indeter. 263. 10. 

26. Index-List of mid dam 9e Qauses (22). 

JEA. 2. (4) indie. 136. 16; 670. 29: indeter. 98. 5; 382. 29. 

Quot (3) indie. 148.13; 161.6: without 9a in the main 
clause; 166. 10. 

LS. 1. (4) indie. 76. 441 ; 210. 22 : without 9a in the main 
clause ; 80. 610 : indeter. 226. 109. 



208 Appendix I 

LS. 2. (4) with Ba in the main clause indie. 438. 188 : 
indeter. 138. 207; 382. 67; 408. 141. 

Gen. (2) (ch. and v.) indie. 12. 11 : without 9a in the main 
clause ; 18. 8. 

Jos. (1) (ch. and v.) indie 8. 7. 

i£. Asm. (2) indie. 79. 169 : indeter. 86. 174. 

HL. (1) indie. 119.67. 

Ap. T. (1) indie. 24. 16. 

27. Index-List of mid 9an de Clauses (1). 
Neot (1) indie. 109. 81. 

28. Index-List of mid By 9e Clauses (13). 
BH. (3) indie. 34. 15: indeter. 178. 12; 210. 3. 
Dial. (1) indeter. 160. 10. 

BIH. (6) indie. 143.6; 147.3; 167.26; 231.17; 236.2; 
241. 26. 
Ap. T. (3) indie. 11. 16: indeter. 4. 18; 11. 16. 

29. Index-List of mid ty Clauses (29). 

OET. (4) Vesp. Psalms (psalm and verse) indie. 37. 17 : 
indeter. 30.23; 31.3; 119.1. 

BH. (21) indie. 38. 6 ; 62. 3 ; 70. 24 ; 78. 6 ; 80. 7 ; 190. 4 
400. 20; 424. 21, 32; 426. 12, 16; 428. 16; 446. 22; 452. 25 
468. 7: opt. 426. 19: indeter. 122. 16; 270. 34; 400. 11, 17 
430. 10. 

Ap. T. (1) indeter. 3. 21. 

Epis. (3) indie. 162. 618; 164. 671 : indeter. 160. 674. 

30. Index-List of swa swa Clauses (1). 
Chron. (1) indie. 136. 14. 

31. Index-List of ifa giet 9a Clauses (6). 
Laws. (1) indie. 42. 16. 
O. (1) indie. 136. 11. 
Dial. (1) indie. 167. 11 
L. (2) (ch. and v.) indie. 16. 20; 24. 6. 

32. Index-List of 9a gen 9a Clauses (1). 
BIH. (1) indie. 166. 17. 



Appendix 1 209 

D. CLAUSES DETERMINING THE TIME OF AN ACTION 
BY REFERENCE TO A PRECEDING ACTION (573). 

1. Index-List of sMan Clauses (244). 

Chron. (18) indie. 47.7; 143. 18; 176. 18; 226. 26; 233. 20; 
236. 4: without 9a in the main clause; 110. 3; 123. 11; 143. 
18; 167.20; 186.22; 194.6; 229.5; 232.21; 238.34; 239. 
18; 240. 7: indeter. without 9a in the main clause; 11. 20. 

Cart 2. (1) indeter. 134. 22. 

Cart. 3. (1) indeter. 416. 11. 

Laws. (14) indie. 42.8; 44. 19, 22; 96. 7; 216. 16; 228. 37; 
230. 23 ; 330. 33 ; 386. 7 ; 450. 34 : opt. 10. 19, 22, 26 ; indeter. 
176. 32. 

PPs. (6) (psalm and verse) indie. 11.7; 21. 8 : indeter. 21. 8 ; 
48. 18 : (page and line) indie. 96. 9. 

0.(20) indie. 17.24; 30.26; 48.32; 84.22; 92.27; 156. 
11; 168.14; 212.21; 214.22; 228.11; 232.6; 254.4; 256. 
31; 268. 31: opt 76.9: indeter. 114.28; 134.32; 148.33; 
200. 11 ; 266. 22. 

BH. (8) indie. 116. 16; 138. 22; 152. 17; 184. 20: indeter. 
124. 15 ; 164. 3 ; 268. 19 ; 318. 14. 

Bo. (11) indie. 62. 12; 64. 1; 77. 3; 91. 2; 105. 14; 112. 2; 
128. 13: opt 52. 24; 103. 7; 139. 11 : indeter. 20. 3. 

Sol. (11) indie. 2.8; 10. 13; 21. 19, 21; 23.5; 63.80; 69.7: 
opt 46. 10; 64. 3: indeter. 21. 16; 63. 18. 

CP. (18) indie, 7. 3 ; 11. 16 ; 66. 17 : 81. 7 ; 113. 11 ; 167. 21 ; 
215. 11 ; 393. 46; 407. 18; 469. 1 : opt 341. 16; 443. 11 ; 446. 
33; 461. 6: indeter. 7. 23; 386. 2; 461. 19. 

Mk. (1) (ch. and v.) indie 1. 14. 

L. (6) (ch. and v.) indie. 13. 7 ; 14. 29 ; 15. 30 ; 23. 33 : 
indeter. 7. 46 ; 22. 20. 

John. (1) (ch. and v.) indeter. 13. 12. 

BR. (6) indie. 73.11; 83.14; 126.7: opt 74.5; 99.17; 
119. 17. 

Guth. (4) indie. 16. 23 ; 90. 9 : indeter. with 9a in the main 
clause ; 22. 23 ; 82. 14. 

Mart (1) indie. 178. 17 ; 198. 18. 

P 



210 Appendix I 

Lch. 1. (8) with 9afwe in the main clause; opt 92. 9, 27; 
142. 17. 

Lch. 2. (4) indie 208. 8 ; 832. 24 : opt 44. 8 ; 286. 14. 

Lch. 8. (2) indie 12. 20: indeter. 84. 11. 

JEH. 1. (12) indie. 6. 15 ; 212. 8 ; 224. 4 ; 282. 14, 27 ; 258. 7 ; 
804. 26; 824. 5; 882. 27; 456. 10; 590. 29; 594. 22. 

i£H. 2 (8) indie. 96. 9 ; 126. 24 ; 290. 28. 

Quot (1) indie. 158. 14. 

Gram. (1) indeter. 2. 15. 

LS. 1. (8) indie. 282. 192; 486. 67; 476. 64; 498. 195; 630. 
702 ; 584. 763 : indeter. 262. 22 ; 504. 285. 

LS. 2. (17) indie. 70.76; 144. 3; 204.221; 226.93; 286. 
1078 ; 824. 133 ; 894. 806 : indeter. 40. 592 ; 60. 121 ; 62. 125 ; 
68. 48 ; 160. 25 ; 176. 1 19 ; 368. 232 ; 870. 245 ; 880. 43 ; 884. 1 15. 

Int Sig. (1) indie. 20. 184. 

Gen. (2) (eh. and v.) indeter. 17. 22; 22. 9. 

Exod. (6) (eh. and v.) indie. 2. 11 ; 7. 25; 9. 24; 10. 6; 29. 
9 : opt 4. 10. 

Num. (2) (eh. and v.) indie. 8. 13 : indeter. 13. 1. 

Deut (3) (eh. and v.) indie. 1. 4; 31. 21 : indeter. 31. 27. 

Jos. (2) (eh. and v.) indie. 9. 13; 28. 1. 

JE. Asm. (2) indie. 82. 29 ; 89. 283. 

JE. Th. (8) indie. 442. 25; 458. 29; 464. 25. 

De Vet Pref. (3) indie. 3. 3; 10. 45; indeter. 17. 35. 

Hex. (2) indie, 36. 17, 19. 

Inst (3) indie. 868. 3 ; 378. 45 : opt 406. 5. 

BIH. (9) indie. 17. 15; 21.27; 105.11; 111.31; 248.29; 
245. 1 : indeter. 23. 11 ; 187. 3; 207. 85. 

Wulf. (16) indie. 10. 14; 19. 4; 33. 4; 95. 3; 123. 10; 162. 
1 ; 192. 3; 195. 18; 197. 18; 292. 9; 293. 25: indeter. 38. 20; 
147. 13 ; 293. 29 ; 294. 1, 4. 

HL. (1) indie. 165. 33. 

Ap. T. (2) indie. 6. 25; 13. 19. 

Epis. (4) indie. 149. 278; 151.310; 154.402: indeter. 143. 
105. 

Byr. (5) indie. 315. 17; 829. 13, 21 : opt 804. 18: indeter. 
319. 40. 

Rood. (1) indie. 5. 34. 



Appendix 1 211 

2. Index-List of sMan . . . si9San Clauses (22). 
Laws. (1) opt. 64. 20. 

O. (6) indie. 62. 34 ; 90. 1, 9 ; 106. 7 ; 260. 29 : opt 296. 9. 
Bo. (1) indie. 129. 2. 
CP. (1) indie. 466. 17. 
iEH. 1. (3) indie. 108. 32; 304. 29; 460. 24. 
LS. 2. (1) indeter. 42. 626. 
M, Asm. (1) indie. 86. 137. 
De Vet Prefc (1) indeter. 6. 20. 
BIH. (2) indie. 126. 83 ; 219. 24. 
HL. (1) indie. 176. 232. 
Wulf. (4) indie. 97. 13; 106. 2; 123. 6; 279. 21. 

3. Index-List of sMan , . , $e Clauses (1). 
Laws. (1) opt 174. 38. 

4. Index-List of si9 Clauses (1). 
Cart. 2. (1) opt with 9onne in the main clause 68. 13. 

6. Index-list of crfter $am de Clauses (144). 

Chron. (1) indie. 209. 2. 

Laws. (1) indie. 328. 7. 

O. (100) indie. 64. 6; 68. 10; 68. 4; 78. 1, 16; 86. 19; 90. 6. 
22 ; 92. 8 ; 94. 19, 22, 83 ; 100. 17 ; 104, 1, 12 ; 106. 22 ; 108. 3 
110. 4, 16; 120. 19; 122.30; 186.32; 140. 31; 164. 1; 166. 6 
160.1, 16; 162.4, 22; 164. 24; 170. 19; 174.23; 180.16 
186. 1 ; 188. 29 ; 194. 1 ; 202. 30 ; 208. 22 ; 210. 13, 22 ; 214. 26 
220. 18 ; 224. 1 ; 226. 11, 14; 228. 1, 4; 230. 31 ; 232. 14, 29 
286. 1 ; 238. 16; 244. 20; 248. 3, 30; 264. 20; 266. 21; 268 
20; 260. 26; 262. 7, 17, 30; 264. 6, 16; 266. 6, 19; 268. 1, 26 
270, 6, 16, 20, 24; 272. 6, 12, 16; 274. 1, 8, 16; 276. 11, 19 
278. 1, 6, 13, 19 ; 280. 13 ; 284. 12 ; 286. 23 ; 288. 3, 28 ; 292. 4 
20; 296.27: indeter. 104. 23; 112.8; 116. 13; 118.26; 132 
8; 162.11; 178.14; 238.18. 

BH. (1) indie. 406. 18. 

Bo. (1) indie. 70. 12. 

CP. (6) indie. 287.8; 406.22; 411.17; 419.28; 447.20: 
indeter. 397. 26. 

P 2 



212 Appendix I 

Dial. (2) indie. 260. 7 ; indeter. 291. 1. 

M. (3) (ch. and v.) indie. 27. 31, 36 : indeter. 26. 32. 

Mk. (1) (ch. and v.) indeter. 14. 28. 

L. (3) (ch. and v.) indie. 2. 21, 22 ; 18. 33. 

Lch. 1. (1) indie. 316. 17. 

iEH. 1. (1) indeter. 478. 14. 

LS. 1. (3) indie. 164. 272; 332. 168: indeter. 282. 1. 

LS. 2. (4) indie. 200. 163 ; 214. 388 : indeter. 66. 1 ; 208. 305. 

Gen. (1) (ch. and v.) indie. 6. 4. 

Num. (1) (eh. and v.) indeter. 13. 1. 

Deut (2) (eh. and v.) indie. 5. 23 ; 31. 24. 

Jos. (1) (eh. and v.) indie. 5. 12. 

Jud (1) (eh. and v.) indeter. Pro. 1. 

Hex. (1.) indeter. 42. 19. 

Inst (1) indie. 364. 18. 

BIH. (1) indie. 229. 1. 

HL. (4) indie. 181. 2: indeter. 120. 113; 169. 171 ; 183. 80. 

Byr. (2) indie. 329. 23 ; 336. 48. 

Rood. (1) indie. 6. 11. 

6. Index-List of after ifan Ife Clauses (11). 

BH. (1) indie. 410. 11. 

Leh. 3. (1) indie. 132. 17. 

iEH. 1 (1) indie. 90. 11. 

iEH. 2. (2) indeter. 244. 36 ; 406. 6. 

LS. 2. (2) indie. 124. 1 ; 400. 26. 

Gen. (1) (eh. and v.) indie. 13. 14. 

HL. (3) indie. 193. 2: indeter. 120. 11 ; 169. 169. 

7. Index-List of after $on Be Clauses (36). 

OET. (1) indeter. 178. 32. 

Cart 2. (1) indie. 216. 19. 

BH. (17) indie. 64. 7 ; 74. 11 ; 94. 2 ; 114. 1 ; 118. 20 ; 146. 
26 ; 192. 28 ; 308. 28 ; 314. 14 ; 336. 1 ; 372. 2 ; 420. 28 : indeter. 
220. 7 ; 262. 19 ; 268. 1 ; 362. 3 ; 476. 23. 

Dial. (6) indie. 214. 18 ; 320. 27 : indeter. 268. 6 ; 802. 4 ; 
306. 16. 



Appendix 1 213 

Guth. (3) indie. 12. 9 ; without da in the main clause 96. 
10 : opt. with Sonne in the main clause 84. 2. 
Mart (8) indie. 76. 4 : indeter. 84. 7 ; 68. 24. 
Lch. 2. (1) opt. 210. 18. 
Inst (1) opt 481. 7. 
BIH. (8) indie. 69. 11 ; 79. 2 ; 207. 28. 
HL. (1) indie. 204. 806. 

8. Index-List of oefter 9on Clauses (2). 

OET. (1) Vesp. Psalms (psalm and verse) indie. 126. 2. 
BH. (1) indeter. 826. 9. 

9. Index-List of oefter ifamt 9cei Clauses (1). 
O. (1) opt 212. 28. 

10. Index-List of oefter dcet Clauses (1). 
Lch. 8. (1) opt 182. 80. 

11. Index-List of Bas 9e Clauses (88). 

OET. (1) indie. 179. 10. 

Chron. (18) indie. 4. 20 ; without ifa in the main clause ; 
2. 7; 66. 84; 66. 12; 84. 17; 88. 18; 89. 1, 24; 106. 28; 186. 
82; 241.27,29: indeter. 22. 1; 47.28; 72. 26; 110.9; 178. 
20; 217.26. 

Cart 3. (6) indie. 71. 12; 448. 27(2); 484. 16: opt 688. 8. 

O. (16) indie. 64. 20 ; 172. 8 ; 182. 18 ; 194. 6 ; 200. 88 ; 212. 
12, 14; 218. 14; 288. 11; 262. 16; 272. 20; 286. 28: indeter. 
262. 17, 81 ; 264. 4. 

BH. (24) indie. 42. 8; 44. 1 ; 108. 22; 110. 7; 116. 9; 174. 
26; 204. 4; 214. 29; 816. 14; 818.29; 882. 27; 874. 18; 404. 
6; 422. 4; 466. 9; 468. 26; 464. 28; 472. 28; 482.6; 486.21; 
488. 26 : indeter. 44. 4 ; 298. 28 ; 460. 26. 

Dial. (2) indie. 840. 18 ; 842. 8. 

Guth. (8) indie, with 9a in the main clause 68. 1 : indeter. 
10. 17 ; 18. 19. 

Mart (1) indeter. 178. 21. 

Lch. 2. (1) opt 864. 21. 

Lch. 8 (1) opt 28. 17. 



214 Appendix 1 

iEH. 2. (1) indie. 196. 19. 

LS. 1. (5) indie. 32.116; 512.432: indeter. 152.80; 164. 
294 ; 508. 353. 
Exod. (1) (ch. and v.) indie. 16. 1. 
iE. Asm. (1) indie. 73. 6. 
De Vet Pre£ (1) indie. 8. 17. 
Inst (2) indie. 356. 32 : opt. 355. 14. 
BIH. (3) indie. 67. 6 ; 75. 4 ; 165. 24. 
Wul£ (2) indie. 14. 10 ; 18. 8. 
Epis. (1) indie. 160. 568. 

12. Index-List oi prep. + obj. (noun of Hme)-\'de Clauses (4). 

Cart 3. (1) indie. 527. 31. 
Exod. (1) (eh. and v.) indeter. 19. 1. 
Num. (1) (eh. and v.) indie. 1. 1. 
HL. (1) indie. 185. 131. 

13. Index-List of noun of time (oblique case) + de Clauses (3). 

Chron. (2) indie. 119. 7; 235. 18. 
BH. (1) indie. 80. 20. 

14. Index-List of ^ + obj. (noun of time) + tk Clauses (10). 

BH. (1) indie. 52. 9. 

Guth. (2) indie. 26. 15 : indeter. 84. 20. 

LS. 1 (2) indie. 160. 213 ; 516. 487. 

LS. 2 (1) indie. 292. 1193. 

Deut (2) (eh. and v.) indie. 4. 32: indeter. 9. 7. 

BIH. (1) indie. 11. 13. 

Wulf. (1) indie. 280. 5. 

15. Index-List oifram + obj. (noun of time) + 9e Clauses (4). 

O. (1) indie. 62. 15. 
iEH. 1. (1) indie. 462. 29. 
LS. 1. (1) indie. 98. 158. 
Wulf. (1) indie. 15. 2. 

16. Index-List oifram dcet Clauses (1). 
Chron. (1) indie, 258. 26. 



Appendix I 216 

E. CLAUSES DETERMINING THE TIME OF AN ACTION 
BY REFERENCE TO A SUBSEQUENT ACTION (661). 

1. Index-List of oer Clatises (258). 

Chron. (38) indie. 49. 1 ; 76. 20 ; 79. 3 ; 82. 17 ; 88. 8 ; 89. 22 ; 
136. 24 ; 146. 19 ; 148. 16 ; 164. 8 ; 196. 21 ; 268. 16 : opt 84. 
36; 86. 29; 100. 14, 17. 24; 124. 29; 137. 21 ; 170. 8,32; 176. 
14; 199.28; 222.19; 240.6; 252.23; 260.17; 268. 36:in- 
deter. 81. 15; 171. 21; 196. 14; 222. 23; 226. 31; 238. 23; 
252. 26. 

Cart 2 (4) indie. 225. 23 ; 236. 28 : opt 96. 13 ; 199. 12. 

Cart 3. (3) indie. 284. 23 : opt 102. 28 : indeter. 284. 31. 

PPs. (4) (psalm and verse) indie. 17. 36 : opt 16. 12 : in- 
deter. 38. 16 ; (page and line) indeter. 69. 20. 

Laws. (16) opt 76. 8; 92. 28; 162. 16; 162. 16, 23, 29, 34; 
176.7; 184.30; 188, 13; 304,10; 322.1; 348.19; 368.30; 
880. 12 ; 464. 22. 

O. (19) indie. 19.29; 46.32; 64.34; 120.16; opt 19.27; 
60.12; 66.20; 62.17; 84.33; 198.26; 260.8; 262. 7 : indeter. 
60. 29; 108. 29; 128. 9; 130. 14; 222. 29; 252. 24; 270. 12. 

BH. (3) opt 186. 28; 438. 21 : indeter. 176. 7. 

Bo. (10) indie. 11.8; 97.21; 127.13: opt 70.21; 77.1; 
99. 15 ; 141. 25 ; 144. 13 ; 146. 13 : indeter. 36. 32. 

CP. (11) indie. 386. 16: opt 167. 20; 187. 10; 241. 13; 
349. 12; 431. 4; 433. 32, 84; 441. 6; 447. 6: indeter. 263. 14. 

Dial. (7) opt 7. 29 ; 274. 2 ; 297. 28 ; 318. 6 : indeter. 302. 
11; 314.16; 317.7. 

M. (4) (eh. and v.) indie. 1. 18: opt 6. 26; 16. 28; 17. 9. 

Mk. (3) (eh. and v.) opt 9. 1 ; 14. 30, 72. 

L. (8) (eh. and v.) indie. 22. 34 : opt 2. 21 ; 9. 27 ; 12. 59 ; 
22. 16, 18, 61 ; indeter. 22. 15. 

John. (6) (eh. and v.) indie. 13. 38 ; 17. 24 : opt 4. 35, 49 ; 
20.1. 

BR. (6) opt 3. 2; 18. 18; 40. 22; 68. 7; 70. 15; 87. 14. 

Guth. (2) opt 96. 6 : indeter. 98. 3. 

Mart (3) opt 4. 23 ; 10. 14 ; 146. 7. 

Leh. 1. (3) opt 84. 7 ; 390. 19; 398. 6. 



216 Appendix 1 

Lch. 2. (10) opt 66. 9 ; 116. 6, 10 ; 184. 24 ; 196. 16 ; 210. 17 ; 
284. 8; 840. 4; 344. 4; 846. 17. 

Lch. 8. (18) opt 6. 1; 22. 7; 88. 4. 6; 46. 4; 60. 10; 98.14; 
122. 2 ; 126. 18 ; 182. 19 ; 184. 26 ; 288. 21 ; 484. 22. 

i£H. 1. (2) opt 64. 24 : indeter. 186. 8. 

i£H. 2. (9) indie. 96. 7 : opt 26. 80 ; 88. 81 ; 148. 21 ; 186. 26 ; 
844.82; 614. 6; 688. 22 : indeter. 616, 1. 

LS. 1 (6) indie. 684. 762: opt 148. 19; 188. 884; 198. 66; 
422. 147. 

LS. 2. (9) opt 42. 627 ; 276. 919 ; 812. 11, 91 ; 888. 68 : in- 
deter. 210. 880; 800. 1807; 814. 8 ; 846. 200 ; 406. 114. 

Int Sig. (1) opt 60. 490. 

Gen. (4) (ch. and v.) indie. 41. 60: opt 27. 10; 82. 26: in- 
deter. 27. 7. 

Ezod. (8) (eh. and v.) indie. 10. 26 ; opt 28. 28 : indeten 
17. 12. 

Jos. (1) (eh. and v.) opt 2. 6. 

iE. Th. (1) opt 447. 17. 

Hex. (1) opt 12. 24. 

Inst. (18> opt 868. 88; 867. 16; 869. 11; 870. 14; 872. 26; 
878.46; 878.9; 881.2; 886.1; 892.20; 897. 18; 411. 20; 
480.48. 

BIH. (4) indie. 248. 17: opt 21. 2; 47. 18; indeter. 225. 9. 

Wulf. (28) indie. 166.10; 206.16: opt 16.10; 21.6; 22. 
16; 89.18; 71.8; 96.6,12; 108.6; 142.18; 147.16; 166.18; 
162.22; 176.6; 206.8; 209.29; 216.22; 281.19; 802.6; 
807. 28: indeter. 176. 19; 206. 17. 

HL. (4) opt 126. 826 ; 204. 296 : indeter. 190. 266 ; 204. 297. 

BO. (2) opt 77. 14, 19. 

Nie. (1) opt 498. 21. 

Epis. (2) opt 140. 26; 144. 119. 

Byr. (1) opt 807. 48. 

Sat (8) indeter. 111. 11, 12, 16. 

2. Index-List of cer ar Clauses (8). 
Bo. (8) opt 128. 17, 28 ; 144. 29. 

8. Index-List of opr . . . or Clauses (87). 
Chron. (4) opt 68. 19; 186. 4; 261. 26: indeter. 91. 14. 



Appendix I 217 

Cart. 2. (1) indeter. 236. 9. 

Laws. (5) opt 160. 11; 162.28; 224.7; 880.12: indeter. 
110. 14. 

O. (4) opt. 68. 7 ; 170. 24 : indeter. 184. 8 ; 282. 4. 

Bo. (8) opt 22. 82 ; 144. 25 : indeter. 89. 8. 

CP. (6) indie. 199. 1 : opt 141. 10; 826. 17; 488. 28; 447. 
20 : indeter. 426. 88. 

Guth. (1) indie. 22. 6. 

Mart (1) indie. 218. 27. 

iEH. 2. (8) opt 262. 84: indeter. 140. 2; 166. 18. 

LS. 1. (1) indie. 498. 197. 

LS. 2. (2) indeter. 88. 668 ; 294. 1218. 

Gen. (1) (ch. and v.) opt 27. 38. 

BIH. (2) opt. 10. 8 ; 179. 26. 

Wulf. (2) indie. 16. 11 : opt. 248. 18. 

HL. (1) indeter 168. 47. 

4. Index-List of oer Sam de Clauses (124). 

Chron. (2) opt 6. 8 : indeter. 196. 81. 

Laws. (4) indie. 42. 14 : opt 74. 21 ; 244. 6 ; 266. 5. 

O. (14) opt 28. 26; 32. 1 ; 16. 24; 86. 8, 22; 40. 12; 42. 25; 
44. 8 ; 50. 6, 26 ; 66. 6, 18 ; 70. 12 : indeter. 126. 28. 

BH. (1) opt. 20. 28. 

Bo. (2) opt 84. 1 ; 128. 12. 

Sol. (2) indie. 60. 5 : indeter. 62. 88. 

CP. (18) indie. 893. 16: opt 6. 9; 99. 16; 287. 16; 367. 18; 
871. 3; 886. 18; 407.4; 488. 26; 446. 2; 465. 84: indeter. 
448. 28 ; 461. 18. 

Dial. (8) indie. 126. 8 : opt 60. 3 : indeter. 88. 14. 

M. (6) (eh. and v.) indie. 6. 8 : opt 12. 20 ; 28. 89 ; 24. 34 ; 
26. 34» 75. 

L. (2) (ch. and v.) opt 18. 86; 21. 82. 

John (6) (ch. and v.) indie. 8. 5@/, 9. 18: opt 18. 19; 14. 29; 
17. 5 : indeter. 1. 48. 

BR. (3) opt 63. 1 ; 69. 8 ; 88. 7. 

Lch. 1. (2) opt 202. 10; 816. 18. 

iEH. 1. (10) indie 172. 7 ; 318. 8 ; 866. 80 : opt 90. 14 ; 
186. 11, 82; 192. 24; 212. 11 ; 240. 21 ; 402. 28. 



218 Appendix I 

Quot (1) indeter. 160. 21. 

De Temp. (1) opt 9. 20. 

LS. 1. (5) indie. 284. 224 : opt 240. 25 ; 374. 151 : indeter. 
90. 668 ; 380. 140. 

LS. 2. (4) indie. 442, 270: opt. 176. 118; 278. 946: indeter. 
42.636. 

Int Sig. (2) indie. 22. 211: indeter. 22. 197. 

Gen. (10) (eh. and v.) indie. 20. 18: opt 2. 6; 11. 4. 6; 37. 
18; 42. 15; 48. 5: indeter. 27. 4; 45. 28; 50. 16. 

Exod. (2) (eh. and v.) indie. 1. 19 : opt 12. 34. 

Num. (1) (eh. and v.) indie. 12. 15. 

Jud. (2) indie. 264. 86 : opt 263. 16. 

i£. Asm. (3) opt 54. 108: indeter. 71. 156; 85. 134. 

JE. Th. (8) indie. 441. 44 ; 456. 48 : indeter. 459. 33. 

De Vet Pre£ (1) indie 1. 16. 

Hex. (6) indie. 12. 21: opt 2. 20; 86. 10: indeter. 2. 13; 
4. 1, 8. 

Inst (6) opt 354. 23; 355.15; 364.15; 372.84; 874.42; 
384.5. 

BIH. (1) indeter. 169. 24. 

Wulf. (3) opt 91. 1 ; 169. 6 : indeter. 103. 26. 

Ap. T. (1) indie. 7. 17. 

Byr. (1) indie. 302. 12. 

Rood. (1) opt 9. 13. 

5. Index-List of oer dan de Clauses (133). 

Chron. (4) indie. 204. 21 : opt 163. 9 ; 198. 5 : indeter. 200. 21. 

Dial. (1) opt 60. 2. 

M. (1) (eh. and v.) opt 10. 23. 

iEH. 1. (19) indie. 26. 2; 40. 28; 186. 16; 404. 9; 666. 9; 
616. 1 : opt 2. 29; 92. 21 ; 94. 26; 112. 24; 158. 15; 202. 3; 
210. 20 ; 478. 13 ; 496. 9 ; 578. 5 ; 596. 9 ; 598. 24. 

iGH. 2. (42) indie. 40. 81 ; 78. 35; 200. 26; 214. 6; 308. 9 
364. 24; 472. 23; 538. 20; 540. 16: opt 28. 12; 56. 84; 124 
13. 20; 142. 9; 214. 22; 230. 32; 236. 6, 10, 11 ; 242. 2. 8 
244. 19; 246. 4; 274. 18; 280. 20; 296. 30; 360. 15; 864. 22 
868. 34; 400. 16; 414. 35; 470. 20; 560. 22; 566. 84; 576. 22 
584.21: mdeter. 78. 29 ; 184.20; 192.18; 214.8; 806.9 
870. 6. 



Appendix I 219 

Quot (2) indie. 169. 9. opt 176. 16. 

De Temp. (6) indie 10. 16; 14. 21 : opt 11.6; 14. 21 ; 19. 14. 

LS. 1. (22) indie. 360. 192; 384. 6; 468. 439: opt 10. 7; 96. 
94; 126. 170; 196. 30; 224. 67; 232. 202; 274. 179; 318. 178; 
400. 278; 420. 102; 426. 186; 442. 21; 460. 133; 474. 33: in- 
deter. 162. 246 : 230. 187 ; 440. 6 ; 442. 8 ; 446. 80. 

LS. 2. (12) indie. 282. 1008 ; 408. 162 ; opt 40. 609 ; 74. 127 ; 
126. 18; 162. 124; 160. 39; 222. 41; 262. 679; 282.1010; 394. 
3()0 : indeter. 72. 86. 

Int. Sig. (1) indeter. 36. 336. 

Gen. (6) indie. 2. 6 ; 8. 7 ; opt 19. 22 : indeter. 13. 10 ; 18. 4. 

M. Asm. (7) opt 88. 218, 219 ; 89. 268, 260 : indeter. 17. 82 ; 
32. 202 ; 38. 361. 

iE. Th. (3) opt 442. 24 ; 464. 17, 22. 

De Vet Pref. (7) indie. 19. 36 : opt 9. 24, 26 ; 10. 20. 22 ; 
22, 12 : indeter. 6. 17. 

Wulf. (2) indie. 296. 22 : opt 293. 8. 

6. Index-List of ar 9(m 9e Clauses (43). 

Laws. (1) indie. 43. 19. 

BH. (6) opt 282. 10 : indeter. 242. 27 ; 292. 29 ; 336. 19 ; 
376. 13. 

CP. (2) opt 187. 6 : indeter. 187. 4. 

Dial (6) opt 306. 12 : indeter. 62. 10; 88. 16 ; 166. 11 ; 297. 8. 

Guth. (2) opt 82. 26 : indeter. 10. 16. 

Mart (8) indie. 160. 19; 164. 7; 192. 6: opt 12. 18; 64. 9; 
102. 26; 216. 11 : indeter. 104. 11. 

Leh. 2. (4) opt 30. 31 ; 204. 7 ; 212. 17 ; 362. 16. 

De Vet Pref. (1) indie. 18. 44. 

Inst (1) opt 477. 29. 

BIH. (12) opt 61. 33; 126. 16; 131. 14; 166. 19, 32,36; 167. 
1, 3 ; 219. 23 : indeter. 129. 19 ; 166. 20. 21. 

HL. (1) indeter. 190. 264. 

Epis. (1) indeter. 166. 437. 

7. Index-List of orr ifam Clauses (14). 

Laws. (2) opt 74. 22 ; 348. 18. 
O. (1) indie. 64. 18. 



220 Appendix I 

SoL (8) indie 12. 9 : opt 46. 9. 18. 

CP. (1) opt 241. 9. 

M. (1) (ch. and v.) opt 5. 18. 

Mk. (1) (ch. and v.) opt 13. 80. 

Mart (2) indie 110. 21 : indeter. 146. 4. 

Lch. 1. (1) opt 860. 14. 

LS. 2. (1) opt 214. 892. 

Inst (1) opt 866. 3. 

8. Index-List of ofr ifan Clauses (2). 

O. (1) indie. 168. 24. 
Wulff. (1) opt 298. 27. 

9. Index-List of or don Clauses (86). 

OET. (6) Vesp. Psalms (psalm and verse) indie. 17. 88 : 
opt 67. 10; 89. 2; 128. 6: indeter. 39. 14; 118. 67. 

Laws. (1) opt 92. 29. 

O. (3) indie 46. 29 ; 108. 80 : indeter. 64. 8. 

BH. (6) opt 74. 19 ; 76. 27 ; 84. 16 ; 138. 26 ; 436. 28 : indeter. 
248.16. 

Bo. (2) indie 12. 6 : opt 104. 31. 

CP. (2) indie 216. 16 : opt 381. 21. 

Dial (8) indie 126. 3: opt 17. 24: indeter. 200. 22. 

Mart (4) opt 80. 4; 188. 10: indeter. 172. 1; 178. 16. 

Lch. 1. (2) opt 84. 16 ; 380. 26. 

Lch. 2. (6) opt 118. 20; 124. 16; 140. 17; 228. 8, 16. 

Inst (1) opt 367. 16. 

BIH. (1) indie 201. 17. 

10. Index-List of or 9onne Clauses (4). 
Bo. (1) indeter. 117. 26. 
Lch. 1. (1) opt 360. 19. 
Lch. 3. (1) opt 22. 4. 
Wulf. (1) indie 221. 31. 

11. Index-list of oer + obj. (noun of time) -f $e Clauses (2). 
M. (1) (ch. and v.) indeter. 26. 29. 
Wulf. (1) opt 123. 6. 



Appendix I 221 

12. Index-list of toforan 9am 9e Clauses (1). 
Lch. 1. (1) opt 160. 22. 

18. Index-List of toforan Hiam timan 9e Clauses (1). 
Lch. 1. (1) opt 206. 2. 

14. Index-list oiforan to 9am timan tfe Clauses (2), 
Wulf. (2) indie. 86. 8 ; 89. 14. 



F. CLAUSES INDICATING 

THE TIME Of THE TERMINATION OF THE ACTION 

OF THE MAIN CLAUSE (1060). 

1. Index-List of 68 dat Clauses (701). 

OET. (17) Vesp. Psalms (psalm and verse) indie. 56. 2 ; 93. 
13. 16; 111. 8; 122. 2: opt 67. 8; 67. 24; 71. 7; 104. 19; 141. 
8 ; indeter. 70. 18 ; 72. 17 ; 109. 1 ; 140. 10 : Vesp. Hynms, indie. 
406. 28. 29 : indeter. 404. 10. 

Chron. (81) indie. 47. 26; 48. 27; 49. 5; 79. 14; 87. 18; 88. 
21; 131.9; 132.11; 139.14; 146.28; 169.12; 178.3; 186. 
26, 34; 194. 86; 194. 18; 197. 11; 199. 16; 200. 11; 201. 21; 
206. 27; 210. 25; 211. 84; 218. 19; 224. 86; 226. 26; 231. 4; 
248. 20: indeter. 160. 6; 181. 11; 248. 1. 

Cart. 1. (2) indie. 502. 1 ; 642. 26. 

Cart 2. (8) indie. 182. 12; 265. 28; 429. 16; 488. 4; 489. 6; 
622.16; 541.27; 547.40. 

Cart 8. (9) indie. 84. 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 17, 25; 198. 11 : opt 
890. 80. 

Laws. (11) opt 10. 6; 54. 19; 106. 4; 116. 28; 120. 8; 188. 
14; 178. 6; 212. 21 ; 220. 6; 262. 41 ; 888. 2. 

O. (9) indie. 82. 8; 42. 4; 60. 15; 62. 1 ; 90. 10; 102. 10. 80; 
188. 14 : indeter. 168. 29. 

BH. (32) indie. 62. 7 ; 90. 81 ; 142. 14 ; 160. 20 ; 154. 27 ; 
178. 21; 214. 2; 288. 1 ; 264. 24; 268. 28; 882. 19; 860. 18; 
868. 14 ; 896. 9 ; 422. 27 ; 486. 4 ; 442. 25 ; 466. 27 ; 474. 18 ; 
opt 58. 10 ; 218. 22 ; 254. 81 ; 268. 7 ; 874. 7; 880. 2 : indeter. 
80. 13; 164. 7; 256. 9; 288. 81 ; 882. 8; 850. 88; 462. 21. 



222 Appendix I 

Bo. (8) indie. 14. 26 ; 65. 14 ; 69. 82 ; 92. 1 ; 112. 1 ; 119. 82 ; 
opt. 72. 10 ; 83. 21. 

Sol. (1) indeter. 21. 3. 

CP. (28) indie 37. 23; 69. 3; 71. 7; 143. 16; 169. 14; 187. 
9; 236. 1 ; 257. 7; 279. 8, 9; 288. 4; 893. 14; 405. 5; 417. 24; 
425.15; 439.14; 447.10; 463.14,30: opt 23. 17; 291.2; 
363. 17; 385. 4; 417. 35; 425. 16; 457. 14, 16, 23. 

Dial. (37) indie 12. 1, 11 ; 15. 1 ; 24. 29; 43. 8; 66. 13, 20 
89. 7; 98. 17; 101. 19; 114. 38; 115. 15; 118. 2; 136. 1 ; 140 
13; 212. 28; 213. 12; 220. 12. 14; 225. 20; 228. 26; 240. 10 
241.4; 243.8; 251.24; 275.17; 286.2; 289.12; 318.1 
341. 3 : opt 261. 12 ; 296. 14 : indeter. 20. 30 ; 23, 32 ; 73. 27 
213.3; 826.2. 

M. (6) (ch. and v.) opt 14. 22 ; 18. 30, 34 : indeter. 2. 13 ; 
22. 44 ; 26. 36. 

Mk. (2) (ch. and v.) opt 6. 10 : indeter. 14. 32. 

L. (1) (ch. and v.) indeter. 19. 13. 

BR. (7) opt 30. 3; 49.9; 59.18; 69.15; 70.7; 71.1; 
117. 12. 

Guth. (1) indie. 20. 26. 

Mart (17) indie. 20. 26; 48. 18; 76. 10; 78. 2; 80. 8; 96. 11 ; 
158 11 ; 166. 5 ; 218. 13 : opt 218. 9 : indeter. 26. 5 ; 80. 8 ; 66. 
11 ; 92. 26; 98. 15. 23; 212. 21. 

Lch. 1. (18) opt 76. 18 ; 80. 4 ; 92. 10, 14, 19 ; 94. 1 ; 204. 23 ; 
284. 23; 286. 4; 312. 11 ; 328. 17; 338. 13; 348. 15, 17; 350. 
19; 358. 25; 360. 5; 374. 25. 

Lch. 2 (49) indie. 46. 5; 188. 15; 308. 18; 328. 7: opt 18. 
17,20; 30.14; 38.11; 52.8; 56.22; 58.5; 66.25; 74.4 
88.19; 92. 4; 94. 9, 21; 114.25; 118.8; 120.17; 128.11 
130. 3; 190. 6; 194. 26, 28; 204. 2; 208. 23; 240. 7; 248. 18 
262.22; 270.2; 272.13; 284.17; 286.25; 290.1; 292.24 
296. 15; 308. 16; 314. 3; 316. 26; 322. 30; 326. 15; 328. 2 
332. 18, 19; 840. 11; 342. 24; 346. 22; 356. 15. 

Lch. 3. (11) indie. 426. 32: opt 2. 11 ; 14. 5, 18; 20. 18; 22. 
25; 34. 4; 42. 29; 48. 17; 76. 6; 228. 1. 

iEH. 1. (37) indie. 78. 23; 80. 2; 92. 27; 94. 7. 15; 108. 38; 
162. 9; 166. 6; 202. 1 ; 266. 36; 268. 27. 30; 296. 11 ; 30a 5; 
378. 16; 384. 10, 15; 432. 15; 440. 8; 448. 20; 506. 2; 546. 6; 



Appendix I 228 

566. 23 ; 588. 13 ; 614. 33 : opt. 82. 2 ; 126. 1 ; 136. 30 ; 202. 
7; 218. 9; 252. 8; 266. 35; 492. 12: indeter. 42. 19; 78. 34; 
159.20; 314.31. 

iEH. 2 (57). indie. 38. 5; 66. 10; 68. 17 ; 98. 10; 128. 16; 138. 
7; 148. 9; 154. 11 ; 196. 14; 198. 18; 200. 23; 214. 8, 15; 216. 
6; 218.34; 222.34; 236.26; 264.22; 272.7.18; 302.8; 
312.28; 332.8; 340.30; 354.19; 378.29; 382.11,13,28; 
396.13; 434.7; 504. 13; 548.16; 578.5; opt 50. 24; 138. 
21; 200. 2; 214. 30; 312. 11 ; 384. 25; 408. 6; 426. 24; 434. 
3; 484. 3; 582. 20: indeter. 58. 5; 64. 18; 86. 4; 126. 22; 134. 
16; 258. 25; 384. 18; 502. 21; 506. 5; 508. 21; 518. 1; 560. 35. 

Quot. (7) indie. 136. 3 ; 141. 19; 148. 6; 170. 13 : opt 144. 
21 ; 157. 10: indeter. 140. 20. 

De Temp. (9) indie. 5. 10, 14, 18; 9. 8, 11 : opt 3. 6; 8. 12; 
10.6; 11,24. 

Gram. (2) indie. 2. 18 ; 3. 14. 

LS. 1 (78) indie. 12. 24; 26. 36; 28. 56; 30. 90; 48. 416; 88 
651; 94.88; 110.336; 142. 390; 148.27; 162.263; 190.360 
861 ; 208. 225 ; 214. 69 ; 218. 147 ; 232. 196 ; 236. 265, 270 
238. 286 ; 254. 258 ; 264. 63 ; 290. 95 ; 298. 204 ; 318. 160 ; 320 
20; 324.59; 350.209; 372.117; 388.63,68; 408.388,391 
414. 11 ; 442. 20; 446. 90 ; 462. 351 ; 508. 352; 612. 421 ; 528 
641 : opt 12. 22; 18. 186; 36. 194; 76. 449; 144. 424; 152. 88 
188.312; 248.170; 286.37; 332.172; 486.228; 500.205 
506.326: indeter. 36. 189 ; 44.336; 108.305; 212.53; 220 
11; 238.291; 262.24; 284.27; 340. 69; 386.60; 400.272 
414. 27 ; 416. 31 ; 422. 150 ; 440. 127 ; 448. 123 ; 456. 231 ; 458 
271 ; 484. 222 ; 498. 182. 

LS. 2. (69) indie. 58. 74; 90. 356; 94. 424, 436; 96. 451 ; 98 
496; 100.501,517; 104.685; 106.690,610; 116.737; 118 
779; 134.147,154; 140.230,246; 158.217; 160.24; 176.126 
178. 145; 182. 209, 216; 188. 298, 329; 200. 173; 204. 232 
230. 186 ; 260. 488, 497 ; 260.664; 262.670; 272.844; 298 
1286; 312.1480; 322.117; 326.162.; 362.101; 370.256; 372 
281; 378. 16; 384. 124, 133; 390.210; 442. 271 : opt 48. 730 
52.786; 92.406; 170.22; 370.250; 406.119: indeter. 74. 118 
106.599; 108.636; 126.13; 128.36; 134.139,141: 156.200; 



224 Appendix 1 

168.8; 174.77; 176.106; 286.268; 276.908; 314.4; 366. 
190 ; 368. 203 ; 374. 311 ; 378. 25. 

Gen. (12) indie. 12. 6; 13. 1 ; 14. 1, 14; 19. 3; 24. 10; 46. 1 ; 
opt 3. 19; 27. 44; 38. 11, 17; indeter. 18. 6. 

Exod. (1) (ch. and v.) indeter. 33. 8. 

Num. (4) (ch. and v.) indie. 15.46; 21.24: opt 15.33: 
indeter. 11. 17. 

Deut (1) (eh. and v.) indie. 1. 31. 

Jos. (3) (eh. and v.) indie. 5. 8 ; 10. 13, 41. 

Jud. (14) indie. Pro. 9. 14; 3. 24; 4. 17, 24; 7. 23; 10. 10; 
EpL 263. 13, 20; 264. 14, 26, 38; 265. 7 : indeter. 4. 21 ; 8. 12. 

JE. Asm. (31) indie. 5. 117; 23. 224; 38. 344, 355; 56. 147 ; 
59. 187 ; 68. 71 ; 72. 171 ; 75. 51 ; 87. 189, 213 ; 88. 236, 241 ; 
98. 213; 104. 66; 105. 92, 100; 106. 133; 111. 310; 113. 368: 
opt 85. 145; 98. 211 : indeter. 14. 18; 20. 149; 58. 179; 82. 
37; 84. 94; 86. 170; 102. 17; 110. 267, 273. 

JE. Th. (1) indie. 441. 29. 

De Vet Pref. (21) indie. 5. 28; 8. 31, 40; 9. 20; 10. 2; 16. 
18, 29, 36, 37; 16. 24; 17. 10; 18. 41 ; 21. 7 : indeter. 3. 11 ; 
4. 22; 6. 7; 8. 36; 9. 41 ; 15. 16, 23; 17. 8. 

Hex. (1) indie. 2. 23. 

ColL (1) indie. 92. 17. 

Inst (6) indie. 364. 1 1 : opt 852. 25 ; 354. 3, 6 ; 429. 10 ; 436. 24. 

BIH. (14) indie. 9. 35; 21. 29; 79. 15; 165. 6, 14; 187. 7; 
193.13; 203.17; opt 146.4; 233.27; 239.7; 241.21; 249. 
9 : indeter. 191. 19. 

Wulf. (11) indie. 216. 30; 244. 14: opt 47. 21 ; 104. 5; 164. 
28; 165.23; 181.25; 304.20: indeter. 154.7; 176.11; 220.13. 

HL. (1 1) indie. 123. 226 ; 126. 306 ; 129. 438 ; 170. 20 ; 187. 182 ; 
190. 275 ; 193. 7 ; 205. 849 : indeter. 124. 236 ; 127. 351 ; 132. 530. 

Nie. (1) opt 510. 32. 

Ap. T. (5) indie. 3 26; 5. 11, 22; 12. 13; 14. 7. 

Chad. (3) indie. 141. 32 ; 143. 105 : indeter. 145. 178. 

Rood. (1) indeter* 107. 18. 

2. Index-List of od daUe (9e) Clauses (9). 
Cart 2. (1) indie. 34. 22. 
O. (1) indeter. 66. 25. 



AppetuUx I 225 

BH. (2) indie. 260. 14; 288. 17. 
Dial. (1) indie. 331. 7. 
Mart. (1) indie. 176. 26. 
Leh. 2. (2) opt. 72. 24; 178. 14. 
NiQ. (1) indie. 480. 28. 

3i Index-List of oS9e Clauses (9). 
Chron. (4) indie. 39. 26 ; 86. 14 ; 98. 22 : indeter. 93. ft. 
O. (1) indie. 20. 31. 
Bo. (2) indie. 67. 27 ; 66. 17. 
LS. 2. (2) indie. 28. 417 : opt 42. 625. 

4. Index-List of oS^ CUuse^ (324)- 
Chrpn, (22) ipdie. ^7. 24 ; 48* 10 ; 49. 9, 26 ; 93. 27, ; 9^* 21 

101.9; 102.6; 102*13,21; 106.24; 132.^9; 27; 140.21 

146; 10; 19q. 21; 213.17; 229.28: indeter. 49. 3 ; 110.23 

476 6 \ 180. 13. 
Cart. 2. (22) indie. 96. ^0 ; 266. IQ ; 270. 28 ; 306. 3, 27 ; 364. 

1 ; 386. 13, 14, 16, 17, ^8, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24; 429. 16; §14. 13; 

620. 33 ; 622. 21 ; 624* 12 ; 641. 13. 

Cart 3. (30) indie. 8. 18; 47. 7, 8; b^. 17; 7Q. Ifi; 86. 12; 

96. \9\ 169, 33; ^96. 8; 227. 2^; 229. 2; 247. §; 272. 7; 868. 

12, 13, 16, 18, 19, 26, 27 ; 417. 26 ; 480. 4 ; 608. 23, 24, 26, 27 ; 

626.88; §99. Hj ^§» I?- 

Laws. (3) opt 176. 11 ; 179. 16; 396. 15. 

PPs. (1) (psalm and verse) indie. 18. 6. 

O. (71) indie. 21. 2; 82. 18; 40. 32; 44. 6, 20, 27; 46. 6; 66, 
27; 64. 32; 66. 21, 23; 74. 33; 76. 18; 80. 22, 26; 88. 25; 90. 
16,18,20.30; 92* 14, 2f ; 100, 2 j 110.8; 112.13; 114.3; 
^18, 3, 20, 2i5; 120.28; 122.23; 12^! 27; 134.21; 148.7; 
162* 21 ; 160. 22; 162. 17; 170. 30; 178. 24; 180. 9; 186. 16, 
22,26; 204. 1; 212.4; 214. 18; 216. 21 ; 218. 30 ; 220.2; 224. 
14, 16; 280. iO, 3Q; 2^6. 29; 264, ^3; 2§8. Ip; 2§9. 7; 282. 
31; 284.17; 286.20; 290. 24 ;' 29f 3 ; opt 1^. 31: indeten 
28.28; 72.24; 76*28; 86. 3 J 5 120.17; J86.4; 218.7; 270.7. 

Bo. (8) indie. 63. 7 ; 86. 21 ; 103. 11 ; ' 122. 4 ^ 136. 2 : ppt 
51. 20 : indeter. 60. 29 ; 102. 21. 

Sol. (3) indie. 36. 22 : opt 3. 16 ; 59. p. 

q 



226 Appendix I 

CR (14) indie. 195. 11; 276.12; 279.3; 361.3; 381.17; 
383. 31 ; 393. 1 ; 437. 29 ; 469. 7 : opt. 61. 21 ; 385. 12 ; 459. 8 ; 
461. 16 ; 467* 25. 

Dial (2) indie. 75. 21 ; 81. 5. 

M. (4) (ch. and v.) indie. 2. 9; 13. 33; 26. 58: opt. 10. 11. 

Mk. (2) (eh. and v.) opt 6. 45 ; indeter. 12. 36. 

L. (6) (eh. and v.) indie. 13. 21 ; 15* 4, 8: opt 9. 4; 12.60 : 
indeter. 13. 8. 

John. (2) (eh. and v.) indeter. 21. 22, 23. 

BR. (2) opt 70. 18 ; 73. 10. 

Lch. 2. (1) opt 290. 6. 

Lch. 3. (4) opt 4. 2 ; 14. 26, 32 ; 90. 20. 

iEH. 2. (1) indeter. 166. 22. 

Gen. (6) (eh. and v.) indie. 11. 31; 38. 3; 60. 10: opt 27. 
44 ; 44. 12 : indeter. 33. 14. 

Exod. (3) (eh. and v.) indie. 16. 23 ; 16* 20, 34. 

Lev. (4) (eh. and v.) indie. 24. 12 ; 26. 22 ; 26. 10 : opt 40. 41. 

Num. (1) (eh. and v.) indie. 11. 19. 

Deut (3) (eh. and v.) indie. 11. 6; 28. 48: opt 28. 22. 

iE. Th. (1) indie. 449. 31. 

De Vet Pref. (1) indie. 12. 14. 

Wul£ (6) indie. 22. 11 ; 217. 2; 293. 17 : opt 3. 1 : indeter. 
100. 8. 

^^* (1) (P%^ ^uid line-numbering on page) indie. 181. 8. 

Nie. (1) indie. 492. 12. 

6. Index-List of of Sat Clauses (1). 
Cart 2. (1) indie. 648. 1. 

6. Index-List of of Clauses (7). 
Cart. 2. (6) indie. 304. 29, 30 ; 367. 26, 27 ; 444. 16 ; 629. 36. 
Leh. 3. (1) opt 130. 20. 

7. Index-List of swa lange . . . o9 9(Kt Clauses (25). 
Chron. (2) indie. 142. 16; 211. 29. 
Dial. (2) indie. 309. 12 : indeter. 101. 18. 
BR. (1) opt 131. 6. 
Leh. 2. (1) opt. 230. 7. 
iEH. 1. (3) indie. 232. 7 ; 304. 26, 29. 



Appendix I 227 

iEH. 2. (1) indie. 494. 1. 

LS. 1. (6) indie. 372. 119; 460. 299; 466. 417; 486. 231: 
indeter. 330. 145. 

LS. 2. (9) indie. 362. 126 ; 368. 214 ; 372. 301 ; 378. 18 ; 416. 
270 : indeter. 230. 166 ; 250. 482 ; 358. 50 ; 384. 120. 

BIH. (1) opt. 193. 4. 

8. Index-List of swa lange oS Clauses (5). 

Chron. (2) indie. 169. 8 ; 180. 8. 
Cart. 3. (1) indie. 284. 19. 
Bo. (1) opt. 121. 20. 
Jos. (1) (eh. and v.) indie. 7. 16. 

9. Index-List of swa swUfe , . . o9 tfcet Clauses (3). 

Dial. (2) indie, 248. 23 : opt 220. 9. 
Wulf. (1) indie; 206. 22. 

10. Index-List of swa lange 9(Bt Clauses (6). 

Chron. (6) mdie* 117.24; 177.23; 178. 1; 179.25: indeter. 
117. 30. 
Laws. (1) indeter. 226. 7. 

11. Index-List of to/ Clauses (13). 

Chron. (9) indie. 140.24; 143.14; 177.19; 178.12; 179.1; 
213. 4 ; 223. 13 ; 267. 1 : indeter. 92. 5. 
O. (1) indie. 160. 31. 
Leh. 1. (1) opt 340* 26. 
Inst (1) opt 486. 52. 
Byr. (1) opt 300. 11. 

12. Index-List of kwonne Clauses (9). 

BH. (2) opt 178. 22; 186* 23. 
Bo. (2) opt. 20. 31 ; 124. 10. 
CP. (1) opt 121. 12i 
iEH. 1. (1) opt 140. 19. 
BIH. (2) opt. 97. 24 ; 109. 32. 
Wulf. (1) indeter. 236. 11. 

q2 



2(38 Appendix I 

13. Index-List oi fortfe) Clauses (7). 

Lch. 9. (7) opt 102. 17; 104. 22; 112. 7; 118. 20, 81 ; 126. 
16 ; 130. 16. 

14. Index-List of swa lange fort San Clauses (1). 
Lch. 3. (1) opt. 88. 23. 

15. Index-List of til Clauses (2). 
Chron. (2) indeter. 263. 32 ; 267. 27. 

16. Index-List of o^ + obj. (noun of time) 4* 9e Clailses (18). 

Chron. (3) indie. 99. 29; 142. 10; 144. 19. 

O. (2) indie. 20. 26 ; 88. 22. 

BH. (3) indie. 4. 2 ; 42. 12 ; 342. 19. 

Sol. (3) indie. 27. 6 : opt 2. 12 ; 30. 10. 

CP. (1) opt 7. 13. 

M. (1) (eh. and v.) indie. 24. 38. 

L. (2) (ch. and v.) indie* 1. 20: indeter. 17. 27. 

LS. 1. (2) indeter. 606. 817 ; 608* 336. 

BIH. (1) indie. 139. 21. 

17. Index-List of o9 + obj. (noun of time) + te/ Clauses (2). 

Bo. (1) in'dic. 116. 10. 
Guth. (1) indeter. 8. 11. 

18. Index-List of to 9am dage 9e Clauses (8). 

iEH. 2. (1) indie. 288* 6. 
LS. 1. (1) indeter. 616. 488. 

19. Index-List of to 9am icet Clauses (1). 
Guth. (1) indie. 46. 22. 

20. Index-List of to 9on (fast Clauses (2). 
Guth. (2) indie. 96. 19 : indeter. 60. 12. 

21. Index-List of to tfon . . . tfcet Clauses (!)« 
Epis. (1) indie, 146. 180. 

22. Index-List of to 9am Clauses (1). 
Guth. (1) indie. 64. 23. 



Appendix II 229 

23. Index-List of to fyet Clausee (1). 
Quron. (1) indeter. 264. 18. 

24. Index-List of (fe gyi fe Clauses (1). 
Chron. (1) indie. 246. 86. 



APPENDIX n. 

lNDEXrlH:IST OF .CLAUSES CONTAINING MoDAL 

Auxiliaries. 

A. Mugan. 

Chron. indie. 161. 1 ; 174. 26; 208. 18; 216. 14: opt. 91.14; 
267. 1 : indeter. 94. 1 ; 196. 14, 30, 81 ; 226. 31 ; 237. 36 ; ^62. 
26 ; 262. 26. 

Cart 2. opt. 262. 3. 

Laws indie. 298. 26; 468. 8: opt. 32. 3; 116. 28. 
, PPs. (page and line) indie. 14. 17. 

O. indie. 140. 30: opt. 260. 8: indeter. 112.36; 128.9; 190. 
.1j4; 184.7; 162.38.; 222.29; 270.12. 

JW. indie. 294. ,16; 424. 28, 30, 82: indeter. 36. 33; ,164.7.; 
184. 27; :1B6. 1; 216.62; 228. 10; 234.28; 248. 16; 2ei4.,5; 
336. 19 ; 390. 2 ; 404. 12 ; 428. 30. 

Bo. indie. 26. 16; 28. 26; 30. 11 ; 37. 11 ; 38. 28, 30; 62.,12; 
66. 18; 108. 8, 9; 116. 10; 117. 13, 14: opt. 70. 21. 

Sol. indie. 43. 21 ; 46. 9 ; 47. 6 : indeter. 49. 12. 

(CP. indie. 147. 1 ; 163. 11 ; 188. 17 ; 217. 9 ; ^..21 ; ^76. 9 ; 
281. 24; 467. 16, 17: opt. 6. 3; 7. 12; 247. 16; 363. 17; ,4s57. 
16, 23 ; 467. 16 : indeter. 36. 18 ; 261. 16. 

Dial, indie. 86. 2 ; 204.26; 227. 27 ; 286.8 ; 366.29: indeter. 
131. 26. 

L. (eh. and v.) . indie. 14. 29. 

John (eh. and y.) indie. 9. 4: opt. 4. 36. 

Mart, indeter. 64. 21, 23 ; 68. 4. 



230 Appendix II 

Lch. 1. opt 166. 25 ; 204. 23 ; 284. 23. 

Lch. 2. opt. 118. 8 ; 240. 7 ; 284. 7, 14, 16 ; 338. 20 ; 346. 20. 

JEtL 1. indie. 66. 6 ; 68. 20 ; 166. 6 ; 252. 20 ; 286. 16 ; 598. 
9 ; 602. 30 : indeter. 50. 23 ; 58. 27 ; 138. 13 ; 160. 22 ; 268. 31 ; 
432. 16 ; 564. 2. 

iEH. 2. indie. 94. 4 ; 362. 3 ; 376. 33 ; 478. 32 ; 500. 30 ; 55a 
2 : opt. 50. 24 ; 124. 13 : indeter. 158. 22 ; 858. 22 ; 384. 18. 

Quot indeter. 140. 20. 

De Temp, indie. 6. 11 ; 18. 15. 

LS. 1. indie. 316. 150: opt 196. 30; 536. 794: indeter. 112. 
401; 140. 373; 194. 406; 218. 145; 284. 16; 286.44; 420.94; 
438. 108 ; 462. 349. 

LS. 2. indie. 224. 74 ; 242. 379 : indeter. 48. 735 ; 248. 448 ; 
290.1150; 366.199. 

Int Sig. indie 42. 405 : indeter. 24. 227 ; 36. 335. 

Gen. (ch. and v.) indie. 45. 19 : indeter. 38. 21. 

Exod. (ch. and v.) indeter. 2. 3. 

i£. Asm. indie. 8. 194 ; 44. 500 ; 82. 26. 

iE. Th. indie. 464. 34 : opt 445. 23. 

De Vet Pref. indie. 3. 1. 

Inst opt 415. 7 ; 438. 20. 

BIH. indie. 95.24; 115.20; 125.3: indeter. 23. 11 ; 166. 
22 ; 169. 24. 

Wulf. indie. 94. 12; 113. 16; 115. 12; 119. 1 ; 129. 13: 160. 
9 : 165. 10 ; 207. 29 ; 208. 31 ; 209. 11 ; 234. 11 : opt 27. 5 ; 39. 
8; 73.21; 160.16; 204.6; 290.22; 301.25: indeter. 5.11; 
17.2; 162.21. 

Ap. T. indie. 22. 11 : indeter. 21. 19. 

B. Sculan. 

Chron. indie. 127. 27 ; 131. 14 ; 229. 34 : indeter. 127. 14 ; 
234.3. 

Cart. 2. opt 449. 30, 33. 

Laws opt 162. 23, 26. 

PPs. (psalm and verse) indie. 9. 6. 

O. indie. 142. 13; 268. 11 : indeter. 274. 24. 

BH. opt. 198. 31 : indeter. 204. 2 ; 288. 31 ; 294. 30. 

Bo. indeter. 116. 16: indie. 18. 19. 



Appendix II 231 

CP. indie. 67, 20; 129.8; 189.4; 185.8; 222.1; 302.2: 
indeter. 6S. 11 ; 171. 23; 173. 1. 

Dial, indie. 112.18: indeter. 11.12; 72.4; 206.22; 274. 
18 ; 324. 15 ; 326. 28. 

Mart indeter. 124. 17. 

Lch. 3. opt 18. 19. 

iEEL 1. indeter. 414. 7. 

iEH. 2. indie. 100. 18; 288. 6: indeter. 8. 1 ; 118. 23. 

LS. 1. indie. 456. 233 ; 460. 310 ; 508. 362. 

LS. 2. indeter. 28. 406. 

Gen. (eh. and v.) indeter. 29. 21. 

JE. Asm. indie. 76. 100. 

Inst, indie. 387. 24 ; 424. 21 ; 486. 40. 

BIH. indeter. 183. 19. 

Wulf. indie. 86. 8; 176. 30; 190. 27; 221. 24; 286. 2. 

HL. indie. 149. 139, 142. 

Byr. indie. 312. 8 : indeter. 313. 22. 

C. Motan. 

OET. opt 175. 17. 

Chron. opt 158. 15. 

Cart. 2. opt 309. 18. 

O. indie. 60. 7. 

BH. indeter. 176. 7 ; 232. 10. 

Bo. opt 99. 15. 

CP. indie. 277. 7 : indeter. 57. 21. 

BR. opt 5. 6. 

Leh. 1. opt 390. 16. 

iEH. 1. indeter. 268. 31 ; 374. 7; 414. 28. 

iEH. 2. indie. 124. 20 ; 534. 6. 

LS. 1. indie. 280. 270 : indeter. 342. 75 ; 378. 197. 

M. Asm. indie. 8. 194. 

Inst opt 488. 20. 

BIH. indie. 25. 27 ; 95. 24, 25 ; 101. 16 ; 115. 20 ; 125. 3 : opt 
19.8: indeter. 221.26. 

Wulf. indie. 94.12; 115.12; 129.13; 150.9: opt 27.5; 
150. 16 ; 204. 6 : indeter. 236. 11. 

HL. indie. 166. 52. 



iiii Appendix II 

D. Willan. 

OET. indeter. 177. 16. 

Chron. indie 86. 16; 136. 34; 139. 20; 140. 24; 142. 1; 144. 
10 : opt 72. 31 ; 200. 31 : indeter. 94. 3 ; 95. 9 ; 122. 26 ; «00. 
21 ; 208. 20. 

Cart 1. opt 676. 17. 

Cart. 2. opt 196. 18: indeter. 122. 10; 237. 16. 

PPs. (page and line) indie. 14. 16. 

O. indie. 20. 27 ; 106. 31 ; 194. 18 ; 206. 14 ; 288. 22 : indeter. 
64.26; 68.26; 182.30. 

BH. indie. 76. 32: opt 286. 21 : indeter. 84. 3; 114. 8, 10; 
208. 21 ; 226. 6; 234. 24; 866.3; 396. 29; 464. 17. 

Bo. indie. 32. 16; 73. 28, 30: opt 49. 27; 131. 8.; 186. 20, 
21 (2) : indeter. 48. 28, 29; 117. 26. 

Sol. opt 42. 9 ; 69. 23 : indeter. 21. 3. 

CP. indie. 169. 17 ; 196. ^; 2B3. ^5 ; 269. 17 ; 281. 23 ; 297. 3 ; 
306. 14 ; 336. 8 ; 371. 9 ; 391. 9 ; 413. 1 ; 426. 23 ; 429. 4 : opt 
99. 16 ; 166. 16 ; 187. 6 ; i95. liS ; 239. 21 ; 246. 11 ; 247. 16 ; 
276. 18; 391. 22; 449. 31; 461. 13: indeter. 36. 19; 49.6; 
116. 18; 129. 24; 197. 12; 249. 8; 367. 22; 443. 3. 

Dial, indie. 124. 19; 202. 10; 232. 20: opt 146. 13: ihdeter. 
34. 6 ; 60. 18 ; 64. 31 ; 69. 1 ; 81. 6, 9 ; 99. 11 ; 200. 4 ; 206. 16, 
18 ; 320. 8 ; 338. 16. 

Mk. (ch. and v.) indie. 14. 7. 

Guth. indie. 66. 3 : indeter. '40. 23, «. 

Mart, indie. 36. 6 ; 132. 8 ; 188. 16 ; 218. 10 : iildeter. 6. 10 ; 
18. 20 ; 26. 23 ; 60. 21 ; 68. 6 ; 106. 7 ; 166. 7; 206. 4. 

Lch. 1. indie. 314. il :*opt. 402. B ;^1^. '10^; ^160. 22 ; ^JO»S. 2 ; 
266. 12 ; 318. 14. 

Leh. 2. 6|)t i8.-8f; 92. ^6 ; 36. 46 ; ^42. -25 ; 116. 6; 118. 16, 
26 ; 134. 23, 24 ; 140. 17 ; 164. 12 ; 190. 1^, 17 ; 192. 17; 202. 18 ; 
208. 22; 226. 26; 228. 6; 270. 13; 294. 20; 338. 3; S48. 8. 

'Lch.*S. opt 2.47; '44.4; 48. 16; 106. 10;'l36.«. 

iEH. 1. indie. 144. 23 ; 162. 12 ; 404.^ ; 522. 4 : opt 156. 14 
40B. 20: indeter. 10. 5,^2; 42. 19; 118. 26; 166. 19; 172. 1 
174. 13 ; 224. 22 ; 290. 26, 27 ; ^2. 6 ; 394. 7 ; 442. 25 ; 476. 12 
484. 11 ; 488. 17 ; 492. 36 ; 674. 3. 



Appendix III 238 

iteH. 2. indie. 84. iS ; 108. 28 : indeter. 6. 83 ; 36. 22 ; 144. 6 ; 
192. 18; 216. 28; 282. 1, 2, 3; 382. 2; 472. 28; 606. 28. 

LS. 1. indie. 488. 9: opt 386. Heacling; 498. 183: infleter. 
164. 303; 218. 129; 296. 190; 372. 120; 482. 13; 448. 123; 
602. 245; 606. 311, 317; 508. 33'7; 622. 561. 

LS. 2. indie. 224. 65 : indeter. 72. 86 ; 244. 887 ; 276. 908 ; 
294. 1207 ; 302. 1330 ; 406. 123. 

Gen. (eh. and. v.) indie. 37. 26 : indeter. 22. 11. 

iE. Asm. opt. 98. 202. 

JE, Th. indeter. 462. 64. 

De Vet. Pref. indeter. 23. 11. 

Neot indeter. 106. 9. 

Inst, indie. 488. 20 : opt. 387. 34 ; 402. 32 : indeter. 436. 6 ; 
472. 4. 

BIH. opt. 109. 32 : indeter. 31. 6, 16 ; 77. 11 ; 117. 10 ; 127. 23. 

Wulf. indie. 106. 28 : opt. 40. 26 ; 46. 8 ; 93. 2 ; 136. 17 ; 
268. 10 ; 291. 13 : indeter. 16. 18 ; 17. 10 ; 22. 3 ; 24. 2. 

HL. indie. 146. 27; 149. 133; 184. 90: opt. 122. 173; 139. 
18: indeter. 166. 96; 198. 116; 204. 297. 

Ap. T. indie. 16. 3 : indeter. 18. 18. 

Nic. indie. 492. 8: opt. 602. 6. 

Epis. indeter. 143. 88 ; 168. 612. 

Rood, indeter. 103. 7. 



APPENDIX m. 
Bibliography. 

I have included in this bibliography only such works as 
have actually been consulted^ and have been found of value. 
The specific references in the text will in most cases make 
evident the extent 6f my obligation to each particularwork. 

A. Bibliographies. 

F. H. Chase. A Bibliographical Guide to Old English 
Syntax, Leipzig, 1896. 



•;. 



234 . Appendix III 

A. S. Cook. A First Book in Old English, Boston, 
1900; 236—43. 

H. G. Shearin. The Expression of Purpose in Old 

English Prose, New York, 1903; 142—49. 
E. SiEVERS and A. S. Cook. An Old English Grammar, 

Boston, 1903; 363—71. 
J. E. WClfing. Die S3mtax in den Werken Alfreds des 

Grossen, Bonn, 1894; 1. XXIV— XXVIIL 
R. WClker. Grundriss der Geschichte der as. Literatur, 

Leipzig, 1886; 96—99. 

B. Latin and Greek. 

B. Dahl. Die Lateinische Partikel UT, Kristiana, 1882. 
W. W. Goodwin. S3mtax of Greek Moods and Tenses, 

London, 1889. 

W. G. Hale. The Sequence of Tenses in Latin, (Ameri- 
can Journal of Philology 7, s). 

The cwm-Constructions ; Their History and Functi- 
ons (No. 1 of the Cornell Studies in Classical Philo- 
logy), Ithaca, N. Y., 1887. 

G. M. Lane. A Latin Grammar for Schools and Colleges, 
New York & London, 1898. 

C. Germanic. 

G. H. Balg. Gothic Literature, Milwaukee, 1891. 
E. Bernhardt. Der Gotische Optativ, ZfdPh. 8. 1—39. 
O. Behagel. Die Modi im HeUand, Paderbom, 1876. 
B. DelbrCck. Der Germanische Optativ im Satzgefitlge, 

(BeitrMge zur Geschichte derDeutschenSprache,XXDC). 
T. Le M. Douse, hitroduction to the Gothic of Ulfilas, 

London, 1886. 
O. Erdmann. S3mtax der Sprache Otfrids, Halle, 1874. 

Grundzlige der Deutschen Syntax, Stuttgart, 1886. 

W. Kahl. Die Bedeutungen und der Synt Gebr. der 

Verba kOnnen und mOgen im Altdeutschen, (ZfdPh. 22). 
H. KkiNGHARDT. Die Syntax der Gotischen Partikel ei, 

(z/dPh. 8. 127, 289). 
H. RdTTEKEN. Der zusammengesetzte Satz bei Berthold 

von Regensburg, (QF. 63). 



Appendix III 235 

W. E. ScHOLTEN. Satzverbindende Partikeln bei Otfrid 
und Tatian, (P. Br. Beit. 22. 391—423). 

D. Old English. 

H. M. Belden. The Prepositions in, on, to, for, for, aet 

in Anglo-Saxon Prose, Baltimore, 1897. 
A. S. Cook. A First Book in Old English, Boston, 1900. 
The Optative of Unexpectant Wishing, Modem 

Languages Notes, 1895, 1. 56. 
Fiedler und Sachs. Wissenschaftliche Granmiatik der 

Englischen Sprache, Bd. n, Leipzig, 1861. 
J. Flamme. Syntax der Blickling Homilies, Bonn diss., 1885. 
M. FuRKERT. Der Syntaktische Gebrauch des Verbimis 

im Guthlac (the poem), Leipzig diss., 1889. 

A. N. Henshaw. S3mtax of the Indicative and Subjunc- 
tive in the Anglo-Saxon Gospels, Leipzig diss., 1894. 

B. Hertel. Der S3mtaktische Grebrauch des Verbums 
im Crist, Leipzig diss., 1891. 

E. HriTLE. Zur Geschichte der ae. Pr^positionen mid 
und wis, (Anglistische Forschungen 2). 

G. HoTZ. On the Use of the Subjunctive Mood in 
Anglo-Saxon and its further History in Old English, 
Zttrich diss., 1882. 

P. T. KuHN. Die Syntax des Verbums in iElfric's Heiligen- 
leben, Leipzig diss., 1889. 

F. A. March. A Comparative Grammar of the Anglo- 
Saxon Language, New York, 1870, 

F. J. Mather, Jr. The Conditional Sentence in Anglo- 
Saxon, Munich, 1893. 

A. MoHRBUTTER. DarstcUuug der Syntax in den Vier 
Echten Predigten . . . Wulfstans, Mtinster diss., Liibec, 
1885. 

A. MDller. Der Syntaktische Gebrauch des Verbums in 
der . . . Judith, Leipzig diss., 1892. 

E. Nader. Tempos und Modus im Beowulf, Anglia 10. 
542—63 and 11. 444—99. 

J. Planer. S3aitax des Verbums im Phoenix, Leipzig diss., 
no date. 



39B Appendix III 

M. Proluub. Der Grehrauch des Conjxmctivs in ISlene, 

Juliana und Crist, Marburg diss., 1888. 
H. A. Reussner. Die Syntax des Verbiuns in Andreas, 

Leipzig diss., Halle 1889. 
L. L. SchCcking. Die Grundziige der Satzverknttpfung 

im Beowulf, 1 Teil, Halle a. S., 1904. 
J. ScHt)RMANN. Darstellung der Syntax in C3aiewuirs 

"Elene, MOnster diss., Paderbom, 1884. 
G. Shipley. The Genitive in Anglo-Saxon Poetry, Boston, 

1908. 
C. A. SMrra. The Order of Words in Anglo-Saxon Prose, 

Johns Hopkins diss., Baltimore, 1898. 
T. WoHLFAHRT. Syntax des Verbums in ^Ifric's . . . 

Heptateuch und Hiob, MQnchen, 1886. 
J. E. WOuiNG. Die Syntax in den Werken iElfreds des 

Grossen, Bonn, 1 Teil, 1894; 2 Teil, 1901. 

IE. 'Middle and Modem English. 

C. S. Baldwin. Inflexion and S3mtax of Malory's Morte 

d'Arthur, Boston, 1894. 
F. Brinkmann. Syntax des Franz5sischen und Englischen, 

Braunschweig. 1884-6. 
E. EiNENKEL. Streifztige durch die Mittelenglische S3m- 

tax, Munster, 1887. 
Leon Kellner. Historical Outlines of English .Syntax, 

London and New York, 1892. 
C. F. Koch. Historische Grammatik der Englischen 

Sprache, Weimar, 1863. 
E. Matzner. Englische Grammatik, Berlin, 1860. 
A..H. Tolman. Shall and Will and Should and Would, 

in Mod. Lang. Notes 7. 4. 



Appendix IV 



237 



APPENDIX IV. 



Index of Clauses Quoted or Referred To in The 

Text. 



JE. Asm. 
14. 36 : 77 ; 86. 181 : 89. 

JEam A* la 

10.85: 84; 48.12: 25; 86. 
34: 74; 90.11: 107; 122.33: 
87; 132. 29 : 59 ; 140. 19 : 187 ; 
200.7: 70; 232.7: 188; 252. 
19: 59; 268. 81 : 157; 286. 22: 
88; 304. 29: 184; 430.31: 79; 
462. 29 : tl5 ; 478. 11 : 11 ; 566. 
9: 121; 584.21: 70. 

in. H. 2. 

18. 21: 64; 80. 3: 69; 96. 7: 
117; 96. 7 : 152 ; 98. 6 : 97; 108. 
16,28: 90; 136.22: 77; 160. 
1: 96; 186.22: 85; 230.36: 
91; 288.6: 140; 356.8: 88; 
448. 11 : 11. 

Ap. T. 

8.21:99; 6.20:68; 11.16: 
98; 12.13: 128; 15.4: 80. 

BH. 
28.7: 110; 28.18: 48; 30. 
2: 65; 30.20: 118; 34. 15: 98; 
34.22: 48; 36. 33 : 11 ; 40. 24 : 
110; 42.3: HI; 42. 12: 189; 
46. 19: 68; 46.19: 66; 52. 9: 
114; 62. 3: 98; 76. 5, 11: 144; 
82.25: 44; 86.11: 44; 88. 2: 



44; 94. 2:108; 98.7: 76; 106. 
21: 15; 108.22: HI; 112.7 
48; 126.19: 80; 128. 18:96 
132. 4: 78; 136. 23: 88; 154 
34: 66; 162.21: 18; 168.2 
88; 168. 26: 88; 178. 22: 187 
186. 13 : 79 ; 186. 23 : 187 ; 188 
4: 85; 188.4: 92; 198.31: 18 
200. 2, 9 : 75; 210. 3 : 98 ; 232 
6: 44; 234. 6: 48; 240. 6: 27 
248. 25: 71; 254. 31 : 128; 260 
13: 180; 268. 7; 154: 282. 10 
122; 290. 6: 44; 304. 26: 48 
306. 18 : 24 ; 318. 14 : 102 ; 326 
9 : 109 ; 326. 22 : 75 ; 330. 12 
85; 332. 8: 128; 340.7: 22 
360. 23 : 25 ; 360. 10 : 94; 362 
3: 108; 394. 1: 75; 402.33 
76 ; 410. 31 : 107 ; 418. 16 : 45 
418. 22 : 75 ; 424. 21 : 99 ; 436 
2: 89; 438. 13: 48; 438.21 
116; 458.7: 99. 



BIH. 

19.8: 119; 27.21: 76; 35. 
5: 77; 59. 11: 108; 95.26: 157; 
109. 32 : 187 ; 111. 29 : 77 ; 115. 
20: 157; 121.6: 80; 129.25: 
28; 133.13: 40; 133. 13: 45; 
133. 18 : 47 ; 139. 21 : 79 ; 147. 
30: 80; 165. 32, 35: 122; 167. 
1,3: 122; 169.20: 90; 169. 



238 



Appendix IV 



24: 120; 177; 33: 81; 186.6: 
74; 199. 20: 79; 219. 24: 104; 
229. 1 : 106 ; 281. 17 : 98 ; 248. 
17: 117; 246. 14: 80; 249. 
18: 88.- 

Bo. 
14.26: 128; 20. 9: 122; 22. 
82: 119; 28.14: 84; 26.18: 
72: 33.14: 28; 44. 7: 48; 49. 
27: 51; 61.20: 154; 67.23: 
68; 68. 2: 49; 61. 6: 49; 71. 
3: 18; 80. 23: 61; 104. 31: 
124; 116. 10: 140; 117.26: 
125; 122. 20: 184; 124. 10: 
187; 128. 17: 118; 128. 28: 
118; 138.23: 77; 141.6: 65; 
144.29: 118; 146.26: 68. 

BR. 

70. 18: 182; 74. 17: 148;. 91. 

6: 143; 101. 8: 148; 126. 20: 

67. 

ByrlL 

300.11: 187; 322.31: 60. 

Cart L 
187. 31 : 61. 

Cart 2. 

68. 13: 105; 121. 36: HI; 
217. 12 : 148 ; 290. 14 : 12 ; 304. 
29:188; 816.16:77; 410.39: 
88; 463.26: 86 ; 483. 4 : 128 ; 
629.36: 183; 648. 1 : 183. 

Cart. 3. 

216.2: 84; 217. 7 : 16 ; 217. 
27: 89; 284. 19: 134; 627. 
81 : 112. 



Chad. 

148.97: 46; 144.118; 46; 
144. 121 : 47 ; 144.186 : 47 ; 146. 
178: 47; 147.284,262: 47. 

ChroxL 

2.7: HI; 36.9: 63; 72.9, 
12: 110; 72.31: 51; 79.14 
128; 79.26: 35; 82.17: 117 
86.22: 83; 92.5: 136; 94 
1: 71; 98. 22: 131; 99. 4 
68; 99.29: 139; 101.6: 94 
117.24,30: 135; 119.7: 118 
131. 14: 63; 136. 14: 89 
142. 10: 139; 143. 14: 186 
149.80: 88; 168.4: 60; 161 
1 : 92 ; 161. 26 : 18 ; 162. 13 
54; 163.9: 121; 163. 11 : 148 
168.7: 98; 169.3: 95; 169 
8: 134; 169.28: 98; 176.6 
75 ; 176. 21 : 128 ; 177. 23 : 136 
178. 1 : 135; 179. 16: 93; 179 
26: 135; 180.8: 134; 186.4 
119 ; 188. 22 : 76 ; 190. 21 : 132 
199. 26 : 76 ; 208. 3 : 24 ; 213 
4: 136; 218.10: 101; 216.6 
13; 218.1: 13; 224. 18: 94 
228.4: 76; 231.70: 80; 285 
19: 113; 241. 14: 94; 246. 34 
142; 260. 84: 91; 262. 34: 86 
268. 1 : 86 ; 263. 16 : 152 ; 268 
16: 74; 268. 26: 115; 269. 37 
18; 261. 26: 12; 263. 82: 139 
264. 4: 13; 264. 13: 141; 264 
26: 87; 264.28: 13; 266.12 
13; 266.12: 12; 266.37: 13 
267. 1: 18; 267. 1: 136; 267 
27 : 139 ; 268. 10 : 87. 



Appendix IV 



289 



CP. 

5.3: 81; 6. 12: 149; 55. 11 
89; 63. 19: 149; 73.9: 27 
85.21: 28; 121. 11 : 187; 129 
7 : 57 ; 141. 10 : 118 ; 157. 21 
102; 159.4: 88; 241.9:128 
247. 15: 88; 253. 10: 96; 273 
12: 80;307. 11:144;311. 12 
28; 331.3: 78; 339.24: 96 
385. 15 : 117 ; 385. 18 : 120 
389. 36 : 49 ; 389. 36 : 144 ; 399 
17 : 69; 425. 16 : 168; 445. 32 
160; 451. 5: 69; 461. 13: 120 
463. 4: 146 ; 463. 34: 66; 465. 
22: 78. 

De Temp. 
6. 23 : 60. 

Deut. 
9.7: 114; 9.9: 66. 

DiaL 

29.12: 68; 29.30: 82; 30. 
12: 88; 31. 8: 81; 37. 18: 66 
46.27: 78; 49. 25: 88; 60.2 
121; 101. 18: 188; 125. 3: 126 
126. 20 : 88 ; 142. 10 : 79 ; 142 
11:80;167. 11:100;172. 18 
88; 197.9:79; 200.22: 124 
206. 26: 26; 214. 12: 68; 220 
9: 186 ; 248. 23 : 186 ; 260. 15 
81;261. 11:146;273. 17: 28 
274. 2 : 116 ; 293. 18 : 68 ; 279 
8: 122; 297.14: 80; 302.9 
24; 305. 16: 108; 306. 15: 86 
317. 7: 148; 329. 6: 149; 330. 
13: 17. 



Epis. 
146. 180 : 82 ; 146. 180 : 141 ; 
148.249: 76; 151.310: 102; 
155. 414 : 66 ; 158. 499 : 76. 

Ezod. 
10.28: 61; 16.1: 111; 16. 
34: 182; 19.1: 112. 

2.17: 60; 3.5: 60; 13. 14: 
107; 18.8: 97; 21.8: 82. 

Gram. 
132. 14 : 14 ; 150. 18 : 167 ; 
152. 10 : 167. 

Oath. 
8.11: 140; 12.9: 108; 14. 
15: 79; 22.21 : 46; 26. 10: 76 
36. 6: 78; 46. 22: 140; 50. 12 
141; 52.5: 89; 54.15: 82 
54.23: 82; 54.23: 141; 56 
3:89;60. 16:82;66. 20: 66 
68.19: 82; 84. 20: 114; 86. 1 
149; 86.19: 89; 90.17: HI 
94.22: 46; 96.19: 141. 



4.1: 120; 56.8: 78. 

HL. 

119.57: 87; 122.184: 12 
156. 114: 106; 159. 169: 107 
172.92: 96; 185.131: 118 
198.118: 68; 198.122: 149. 



Inst. 
374. 44: 120; 399. 20: 148; 
415.7: 81; 486.52: 186. 



840 



Appendix IV 



Int. aig. 
60.490: UEi 50.493: 65. 

John. 
4.21: 21; 5.25: 21; 5.58: 
120; 9.4: 21; 12.37: 11; 14. 
39: ISO; 16.25: 21; 17.24: 
117 ; 21. 18 ; J9 ; 21. 22 (Hatton 
MS.): 181 ; 21. 23 (HattonMS.) : 
181 

Joe. 

2.5: 87; 4.18: 87; 7. 16: 
184; 8.7: 146, 

L. 
1.20: 189; 7.45: 102; 13. 
35: 20; 13.35: 120; 14.29: 
10 ; 15, 4 (Hatton MS.) : ^ ; 
15,8 (Hatton MS.): 181; 15. 
20: 100; 17.22: 21; 17.29: 
88) 28.16: U6; 34.6: 100. 

42.16; 100; 43.19: J22j 
54p20: 104; 74.1: 92; 140: 
12: 66; 144. 19: 66; 174. 38: 
104; 194.8: 66; 226.7: 186; 
828. 7 : 106. 

Lch. 1. 
106.18: 148; 112.20: 116; 
160. 32 : 126 ; 306. 2 : 187 ; 
246.3: 64; 356.13: 88; 324. 
6: 21; 840.35: 186; 360.19: 
126; 390. 18; 20) 898. 15: 29- 

I^tt. 2. 
ISO. 15; 88; 204.1: 82; 
262. 9; 148; 384. 14: 88; 399. 



14: 20; 306.30:68; 338.20: 
88. 

Lol^ 8. 

2.6: 86; 2.6: 146; 22.4: 
126; 82.11: 12; 88.23: 188; 
102. 17 : 188; 104. 1 : 102 ; 1061. 
10: 96; 112. 17:88; 114. 18: 
88; 118. 26: 188; 122. 6: 88; 
122. 7: 148; 122. 18: 86; 130. 
15 : 188; 130. 20 : 188 ; 132. 30 : 
UO; 32& 13, 16, 19: 00; 244. 
11: 60. 

LS. 1. 

18. 126: 70; 48. 410: 88; 
98. 158 : 116 ; 162. 268 : 128 ; 
196.30: 166; 232,202: 121; 
234.224: 120; 240.25: 120; 
284.21: i66; 318. 182: 121; 
336. heading: 61; 358. 317: 
71; 400.278: 60; 426. 176: 
68; 480.151: 78; 502.246: 
96; 508.337: 139; 510.384: 
81; 516.477: 96; 5J6. 488: 
140 ; 534. 754 : (46 ; 536. 794 : 
71. 

26.892: 88; 28.406: 16? 
30. 451 : 66 ; 36, 525 : 62; 38 
555: ^; 42.625: 1$^; 62 
135 : 40 ; 70. 76 : 109 ; 74. 127" 
12^; 138.210: 66; 138.210 
68; 170.22: 128; 178. 169 
70; 214.392: }28; 230.166 
184; 252.522: 8^; 254.548 
98 ; 276. 919 : 116 ; 282, 1008 
121; 284. 1038: 67; 292. 1193 
114 ; 292. 1200 : 29 ; 294. 1223 



Appendix IV 



241 



96; 822.128: 94; 880.286: 
70; 840. 89:68;262. 126:188; 
422. 868 : 87 ; 486. 184 : 67. 



1.19: 10; 9. 15: 21; 10. 28: 
121; 18.24: 24; 18.80 (Hat- 
tonMS.): 181; 25.40: 89; 25. 
45: 90; 26. 6: 92; 26.29: 
126; 27. 81 : 106; 27. 81 : 107. 

Hart. 

4. 18: 20; 6. 17: 85; 40. 11: 
92; 54.9: 122; 110.8: 81; 
110.21: 128; 122.21: 68; 
160. 19: 128; 172. 1 : 124; 176. 
21 : 67; 176. 26: 180; 188. 11 : 
57; 208.2: 86; 214.18: 89; 
218. 27 : 119. 

ML 

2.19: 89; 14.25: 21; 14. 
28: 107. 

Neot. 
109. 81 : 97. 

Nio. 
480.28: 180; 502. 12: 96. 



1. 1 : 118. 



Num. 



0. 



2.6: 26; 17.24: 101; 19. 
24: 14; 20.25: 88; 20.81: 
181; 80. 5: 98; 86. 22: 120; 
40,11: 151; 46.27: 124; 56. 
17: 18; 58. 7: 119; 62. 15: 114; 



62.82: 104; 64.17: 128; 64. 
88: U7; 66. 27: 180; 76. 9 
148; 78. 1: 106; 78. 8: 40 
90. 9: 101; 92. 7: 106; 94 
22: 106; 180.9: 87; 186.11 
99; 148. 81 : 27; 158. 24 : 128 
160.8: 76; 160.6: 95; 160 
81: 186; 166.6: 70; 168.26 
76 ; 168. 86 : 82 ; 170. 12 : 87 
172.8: 68; 178,2: 77; 180 
21: 98; 182.28: 98; 190. 21 
48; 198. 24: 68; 206. 18: 88 
210. 10 : 98 ; 212. 18 : HI ; 212 
25: 88; 212.28: 109; 212 
28: 160; 218.15: 29; 218 
29: 182; 220.10: 159; 226 
17: 85; 246.4: 76; 258.25 
40; 274.8: 78; 274.10: 90 
274. 24 : 80 ; 286. 14 : 48 ; 292 
80: 87; 296.9: 104. 

OET. 
178. 88 : 108. 



OET. Veep. PsalniB. 
19. 10: 88; 80.28: 98; 70. 
18:128; 108. 88 : 91 ; 105. 44 : 
46; 118.84: 20; 126.2:109; 
145.1: 89; 151. 1: 101. 

PPs. 

48.18: 88; p. 61. 14: 144; 
187. 4 : 61. 

Rood. 
5.84: 102; 11.2: 18. 

Sol. 
4.16: 148;8. 5:27;21. 16: 
102; 23.5: 102; 42. 1: 69; 



848 



Appemkx V 



44.2: 58; 46.10: 100; 46. 
10: 160; 47.14: 86; 69.9: 
182. 

WqU. 

8.1: 182; 16.2: 115; 16. 
11: 119; 16.11: 152; 16.14: 
89; 27. 6: 157; 89. 8: 71; 78. 



11: 89; 11^9: 21; 123w5: 
126; 140.28: 145; 143.11: 
81; 147.26: 145; 160.8: 116; 
160.9. 16: 84; 169.6: 120; 
176. 80: 58; 189. 6: 145; 199. 
16: 61; 206. 22 : 185 ; 208. SO : 
21; 234. 11 : 81; 286. 11 : 187; 
280. 6: 114; 288. 25: 90; 289. 



21: 81; 84.4: 95; 86. 8: 127; ! 6: 90; 290.22: 81; 298.14: 
89.14: 127; 106. 28: 29; 110.155; 296.22: 122; 804.20: 128. 



wcfCS^ 






fl^ 



APPENDIX V. 
Index of Connectives. 



A hwike See 88. 
Amang 9am 8e 94. 
Ar dan de 121. 
iEfter San 8e 107; 212. 
iEfter Saem ffaet 109; 218. 
iEfter 8ae(a)m 8e 106; 211. 
iEfter 8aet 110; 213. 
iEfter 8on 109; 213. 
iEfter don 8a . . . sona 80. 
iEfter 8on Saette 110. 
iEfter Son 8e 108; 212. 
iEfter 8on 8e . . . sona 80; 

202. 
iEr 116; 216. 
iEr aer 118; 216. 
iEr . . . aer 118; 216. 
iEr + obj. (noun of time) + 8e 

126; 220. 
iEr 8a(as)m 123; 219. 
IBx 8an 123; 220. 



iEr 8an 8e 121 ; 218. 

iEr 8aem 8e 119; 217. 

i£r 8on 124, 220. 

i£r Sonne 126; 220. 

IBx Son Sa 122. 

iEr Son Se 122; 219. 

Betweoh Son Se 94; 207. 4t^V»n^ 

Betwux Sam Se 93; 207. 

Ealle Sa hwile Se 83. ^^'^^ 

Bar Son Se 121. ca. 

Fserlice mid Sam Se 79; 201. v^^ 

Foran to Sam timan Se 127 ; \Sm, 

221. 
ForraSe Saes Se 77; 200. i^^^ 
Fort(e) 138; 228. ^^^ 

Fram + obj. (nomi of time) + Se s,^^^^ 

114; 214. 
Fram Sset 116; 214. 
Gemong 8am(n) Se 96; 207. ^"^ 
Gif62;196. if 



App€9MmX w 



243 



^y(u Hra0e 9«s 9e 76; 206. 
Hraedlice siSSan 77; 201. 
Hwene »r don Se 122. 
Hwo(8e)mie 56 ; 187 ; 194 ; 227. 
Instepes Sses Se 77; 201. 
In swa hwylce tiki swa 50. 
Loc(a) hwanne 60; 195. 
Loca hw8er 60; 195. 
'^^^ Mid 8a 8e 87. 

Mid Sam 40; 191. 

Mid 8am 8e 36; 96; 207. 

Mid dam 8e . . . feringa 79; 

201. 
Mid 8am 8e . . . hjraedlice 79; 

201. 
Mid dam Se . . . aona 201. 
Mid San 45; 192. 
Mid 8an 8«t 47; 198. 
Mid San 8e 89; 97; 191 ; 206. 
Mid Ssem Saet 48 ; 198. 
Mid Saem Se 189. 
Mid Si Se 88; 9a 
Mid ^ 99. 

Mid 8on deege 47 ; 198. 
Mid Son Se 89; 191. 
Mid Sy 41; 98; 191; 208. 
Mid Sy Se 88; 97; 190; 208. 
Mid Sy Se . . . fieringa 80; 

202. 
Mid Sy Se . . . hraSe 80; 

202. 
Mid Sy Se . . . aemninga 80; 

202. 
Mid Sy Se . . . sona 79; 202. 
Mit te 46; 193. 
Mittes 46; 198. 
Naht looge sefterSam 81 ; 202. 
Naes long to Son . • . Saet 82. 



Nses Sa naenig hwil to San 

sona (swa) 81; 82. 
Noun of time (in oblique case) 
+ Se85; 96; 118; 189; 207; 

214. 
Nu 61 ; 195. 
Of 188 ; 226. 
Of + obj. (noun of time) + Se 

118; 214. 
Of 8»t 188; 226. 
On an . . . swa 69; 198. 
On(a)mang Sam Se 94; 207. 
Ongemang Sam Se 95; 207. 
On swa hwilcum Saege swa 

50; 198. 
On Saem dagum Se 98. 
On Sam Se 98; 206. 
On Saere hwile Se 87 ; 205. 
OS 131 ; 225. 
OS + obj. (noun of time) + Saet 

140; 228. 
OS + obj. (noun of time) + Se 

189; 228. 
OS Saes 128. 
OS Sast 127 ; 221. 
OS Saette(Se) 129; 224. 
OSSe 180; 225. 
OS Set 128. 
Prep. + obj. (noun of time) + Se 

82; 95; 112; 188; 207; 214. 
RaSe Saes Se 76; 200. 
RaSe . . . Sees Se 76; 200. 
RaSe Saes . . . Se 76; 200. 
SiSSan 100; 209. 
SiS 105; 2U. 
SiSSan . . . raSe 77; 201. 
SiSSan . . . siSSan 104; 211. 
SiSSan . . . Se 104; 106; 211. 



VUA» 



cVm<M<j- 



.yf. 



it*m«. 



tt>«rA 



r 2 



244 



Appendix V 



ifO So longe so 89. 

Sona aefter Sam Se 80; 202. 
Sona aefter Son 8e 80; 202. 
Sona aerest Sses Se 75; 200. 
Sona from frmnan Saes Se 75 ; 

200. 
Sona hraSe Sses Se 76; 200. 
Sona mid Sam Se 78; 201. 
Sona . . . mid Sam Se 78. 
Sona mid San Se 79; 201. 
Sona mid Sy Se 79; 202. 
Sona swa 62; 195. 
Sona . . . swa 66; 197. 
Sona swa . . . sona 65; 197. 
Sona swa swa 67; 198. 
Sona swa . . . swa 65; 197. 
Sona sy(i)SSan 78; 201. 
Sona . . . sySSan 77; 201. 
Sona Sa 81 ; 202. 
Sona Saes 75; 200. 
Sona Saes Se 74; 199. 
Sona .... Saes Se 75; 200. 
Ix> Swa 52; 68; 198; 198. 
Swa aer swa 71 ; 199. 
Swa (h)raSe swa 69; 198. 
Swa hwanne swa 49; 193. 
Swa hwaer swa 59; 194. 
Swa hwilce(mn) daeg(e) swa 

50; 198. 
Swa lange fort San 188; 228. 
Swa lange oS 184; 227. 
Swa lange . . . o8 Saet 188; 

226. 
Swa lange swa 88; 205. 
Swa lange . . . swa 91 ; 206. 
Swa lange swa . . . swa lange 

90; 206. 
Swa lange tide swa 89. 



Swa lange Saet 91 ; 135; 206; 

227. 
Swa lengost 91 ; 206. 
Swa maenige dagas swa 88; 

205. 
Swa . . oftost 80; 187. 
Swa oft swa 29; 187. 
Swa oft . . . swa 80; 187. 
Swa oft swa . . . oftost 31 ; 

188. 
Swa radlice swa 74; 199. 
Swa raSe . . . swa 70. 
Swa . . . raSost 71 199. 
Swa ricene swa 78; 199. 
Swa sona swa 67; 197. 
Swa swa 99 ; 208. 
Swa . . . swa 68; 198. 
Swa swiSe swa 74; 199. 
Swa swySe . . . oSSaet 184; 

227. 
Swa Saet 54; 194. 
Swe longe 91 ; 206. 
Swe longe swe 89. 
SwiSe hraSe aefter Son Se 80 ; 

202. 
SwiSe hraSe siSSan 78; 201. 
SwiSe hraSe Saes Se 77; 200. 
SwiSe hraedlice Saes Se 200. 
Swylce hwile swa 88; 205. 
SySSe 103. 

Tho 16. i^* 

Til 138; 228. V^ 

Toforan Sam timan Se 126; 

Toforan Sam Se 126; 221. ♦'M©^ 
To Sam 141; 228. ^ 

To Sam daege Se 140; 228. 
To Sam Saet 140; 228. 



Appendix V 



246 



*»> 



V 



^ 



wwo 






To San sona swa 81 ; 203. 

To 8aet 141 ; 229. 

To don Saet 141 ; 228. 

To Son .... Sset 141 ; 228. 

Da 10; 162. 

Da ane hwile Se 88. 

Da gen Sa 100; 208. 

Da giet 8a 99; 208. 

Da hwile 86; 204. 

Da hwile 8a 88. 

Da hwile daet 86; 206. 

Da hwila 8e 88. 

Da hwile 8e 82; 208. 

Da hwile . . . Se 83. 

Da hwile Se . . . 8a hwile 84. 

Da lange Se 88; 206. 

Da 8a 17; 169. 

Da ... 8a 17; 176. 

Da 8a Se 24. 

Da 8e 23; 186. 

Da Srage 8e 87; 206. 

Dasr 66; 194. 

Daerrihte swa 69; 198. 

Daer Saer 68; 194. 

Dses 110. 



Daes 8e 110; 213. 

Dass . . . 8e 111. 

Daes 8e . . . sona instepe 76 ; 

200. 
Daet 136; 227. 
De 26; 106; 186. 
De gyt 8e 141 ; 229. 
De hwile 8e 83; 84. 
De hwyle 86. 
Dendasm 86. 
Denden 92; 206. 
Der whyle 8e 84. 
De wile Saet 87. 
Do 16. 

Don aer 8e 72; 199. 
Donecan Se 48; 193. 
Donne 18; 177. 
Donne aer 8e 61; 73; 193. 
Donne Se 26; 186. 
Donne Sonne 22; 186. 
Donne .... Sonne 23; 186. 
Under Sam 98. 
Under Sasm Se 93; 207. 
Wile 87 ; 206. 



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O. T. Tr.; 
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c c 

c« c< 



a 



e 

C/3 



f5 c* 

o zr 






9 



C/3 > 



9 






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e e c c 



"O o'Ota'O'g'O'g'O'O 



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"O "O "U 

c c c 



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22 •• 91 " •• 



37 4 2 I 



51 5 17 2 3 3 



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37 2 4 I 



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3 •• 
8 •• 



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2 
2 



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Sat. 



Rood. 



Table' n 

Clauses denoting 
iifinu'dint^ sequrnce. 



Chron. 



U 



M5 



Laws 



O. 



c 

CIS 



c 

<A 



c 

"a 
o 



c 



c 



c c 



.^ 4J CI u 

C o c C 

»>< ^ NH *m^ 



«^ ftl « 



T? ^O T3 T3 ^O 
C C C C 






c c 






TS "O Ci* 

^ 5 O 



2 3 



•• • • 



6i(?) 3- 
4 •• 2 I 



I 
2 

3 
4 

6 



sona swa — — 
sona swa . . swa •• 
sona swa . . sona — 
sona . . swa •• 
swa sona swa — 
sona swa swa 



swa 



swa 



10 

II- 



— I 



I — 



I 2 — 
4 I ■• 



I 



ii 



r ! 
> 



i 



8 I swa 

9 on an . . . swa — — — 

10 I daerrihte swa 

1 1 ; swa (h)rade swa — — — 

12 ! swa . . . (h)radost 

13 swa 0er swa — — — 

14 I don ner 6e 

15 swa ricene swa — — — 

16 i swa radlice swa •• 

1 7 [' swa swi5e swa — — — 

18 '■ sona flees 6e 

19 sona . . . dxs de — — — 

20 sona cerest <5ies 6c 

2 1 sona from fruman 6xs fle — 

22 i| sona flies 

23 j flies fle . . . sona instiepe — 

24 I sona hrafle fl;es flc 

25 (h)rafl(e) fla^s fle — — — 

26 (h)rafle . . . flees fle 

27 ! rafle flies . . fle — — — 

28 forrafle fl:ts fle 

29 swiflc hrafle flees fle — — 

30 swifle hra'dlice flnes fle 

31 instepes flees fle — — — 

32 i hra^dlice siflflan 

33 j siflflan . . rafle — — — 

34 'I sona . . . siflflan 

35 sona siflflan — — — 

36 swifle hrafle siflflan 

37 sona mid flam flc — — 

38 mid flam fle . , . sona •• 

39 mid flam fle . . hreedlice — 

40 I mid flam fle . . fwringa 

41 ' feerlice . . mid flam fle — 

42 sona mid flan fle 

43 ' sona mid fly fle — — — 

44 ,. mid fly fle ... sona 

45 i mid fly fle . . . hrafle — — 

46 1 mid fly fle . . semninga 

47' 
48 

49 
50 
51 
52 

53 
54 



I I I I 
.. I •• I 



I 

2 



mid fly fle . . feeringa — 
sona eefter flam fle 
sona a*fter flon fle — 
swifle hrafle eefter flon fle 
;eftcr flon fle . . sona — 
naht lange eefter flam •• 
sona fla — — — 
lo flan sona swa •• 



12 

A • • • • 

I 




\ 



t \ 



Table ill 

Clauses indicating 
duration. 



OET. 



Chron. 



Cart. 



Laws 



c 
o 

1^ 



c4 (.< cd 
3 O ;r 

s s ^ 



a c c 

c^ § rt 

M 2 = 

S S & 



a 
a 

S 



"^ a. "O a, 
►S O £ O 



T3 CL "O "O TJ "O "^ 

C P) C C C C C 

N^ >^ 1-^ i-^ ta^ ^-4 ^^ 



"O O. "O CU CI. "Q 

^ O »S O O ^ 



£ O ^ £ O £ 






I hwile flc — 

I hwilc 

I hwilc flaet — 
dierc hwile fie 
[ilc _ _ _ 



► 



I flrage fle 

I lange de — — — 

ilce hwile swa 

[va msenige dagas swa — 

►va lange swa 

I^a lange swa . . swa lange 

ij'^'a lange . . swa 

l|.ve longe — — — — 

l|is'a lange dxt 

liva . . . longest — — — 

l^mden 

i|n flam fie — — — — 

I wider 6xm 6e 

igjetwux flam de — — — 

2CJetweoh don de 

2lnmang flam fle — — — 
2angcmang dan fie 
ajjomang dam de — — — 
24|Tep 4" obj (noun of time) + de 
25! ^^un of time (oblique case) +dc 

26 lid dam de 

27 lid dan de _ _ — 

28 lid dy de 

29 lid dy — _ _ _ 

30 wa swa 

31 a gict da — — — — 
gen da 



— 2 — 



13 I 12 



32 a 

33 

34 

3 

3 

3 

3 

3 

4 

4 

4 

4 

4 



3 19 3 I I 2 

• I 

I — 



832 I I — 



DeTemp., 
Gram. 



L. S. I, 2. 



,0. T.Tr.; 

Dc Vet. 

Pref. 



JE. /Esm. ; 
JE. Th. 



Hex. ; 
Coll. 



Ncot. 



Inst. 



Bl. H. 



c75 



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11 



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B B 



c CI. a. 

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B 



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II 2 3 



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^ial. 



M. 


Mk. 


L. 


c 

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B. R. 



Guth. 



Mart. 



Lch. 
I, 2, 3. 



JE. 11. 


^ . 




P. p 


I. 2; 


hS 


Quot. 


cS^ 



L. S. 
I, 2. 






O.T.Tr.; 

Dc Vet. 

Pref. 



c 
b£ 

3 









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C B 



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c c 



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a c 



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7 
8 

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12 

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19 

21 

22 

23 

24 

26 

27; 

2g 

29; 
3a 
31 

32" 






4 2 



3 3 



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3 5 I 



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3 •• 



13— 12 



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Table VI i 

Clauses indicating the time of the terrain 
ation of the action of the main clause. 



GET. 



Chron. 



Tart. 



Laws 



(A 

Qu 



o. 



J5 i 



ei \ 
b£ I 

^ i 

I 



^ o ^ 



<J al <^ 

ng ng no 

c c a 



£ C ^ I O ►S o 






"o a, "o 

^-« Vm' hirt 



I 

2 
3 

4 

5 
6 

7 
8 

9 
10 

II 

12 

13 

14 

15 
16 

17 
18 

19 
20 
21 
22 

23 
24 



od daette(de) 

ofl de — — — 



7 5 5 



^Q •* ■■ •• •■ •• 

of dat - — — — — I — 

of j •• 

swa lange (. . .) od dxi — — 
swa lange od •• •• #. | .. 
swa swidc . . . od daet — — 

swa langc 6xt 

daet — — — _ _ 

hwonne 

fort(e) — _ — _ _ 



j swa lange fort dan 



til 

od 

od 

to 

to 

;to 

to 
^to 
J to 

I de 



-f- obj. (noun of time) 4- de 
done fyrst daet — — 
dam dsege de 
daem daet — — — 

don daet 

don . . djpt — — — 

dam 

dast — — — — 
gyt de 



28 3—18 I 

■• •• •• I'* 



I 



3 
18 4 



2 



4 I •• 
8 I I 



II — I 



8— I 
.. .. I 



3 •• 



62 I 8 






O.T.Tr.; 

Dc Vet. 

Pref. 


JE. j'Esiti, ; 
JE.Th, 


• 
X 

X 


Coll. 1 


Inst. 


Bl. H. 


Wulf. 


ri. L. 

1 

i 


• 
• 

< 


Nic. 

1 
1 


• 


• 


Chad. 


• 















s 


Mugan 
Motan 






i 










Indie. 

Opt. 

Indcter. 


Indie. 

Opt. 

Indetcr. 


m 

a 


a. 




Indie. 
Opt. 


• 

IS *^ — *^ 

»2 ►S 


... 
u ki M 

V V V 

U «J «4 <•.! 

.S «J V u &> 

^ a s ^ 


Indie. . 
Indeter. 


• 

u 

-a 

a 


Indie. 
Opt. 


• 

u 

G 
^-1 


a. 




Indie. 
Indcter. 


1 

•a 

a 


38 5 13 


2129 


I 


•• 


8 5 1- 


2 6 3 8 3 


5 


— I 

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■ • 


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• • 


2 I 

■ • •• 


I 


13 4 I 


I .. .. 


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3 I I I .. 


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• • 




f • * • • 


• ■ 1 










T •• 










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I 






















1 

1 


— I 


•^ • • f 


I 


• • •• 


• • 


• • •• 


•• 


I 

• • 


• • •• 









.. 1 .. 




•• 2 • 1 












.. 




I 




• * •■ 


•• 


• • •• 


•« 


• • 


• • •• 


•* 


^ 




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• • 











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— 




























. . • « . . •• 






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■ • > • 







i 

1 •• •• 


• • • • « ■ 


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»• 



; IN ENGLl^ 
ALBERT S. COOK, EluToi-. 



.THE SVM'AX 

\n -Kit 



rPfMPORAL ( 



OLQ ENGLISH JROSU